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Biblical studies

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Biblical studies is the academic application of a set of diverse disciplines to the study of the Jewish and Christian scriptures, the Bible.[1][2] For its theory and methods, the field draws on disciplines ranging from archaeology, literary criticism, history, philology, and social sciences.[1]
Many secular as well as religious universities and colleges offer courses in biblical studies, usually in departments of religious studies, theology, Judaic studies, history, or comparative literature. Biblical scholars do not necessarily have a faith commitment to the texts they study, but many do.


Contents  [hide]
1 Definition
2 Academic societies
3 Biblical criticism
4 History of the Bible
5 Original languages
6 See also
7 References
8 Further reading
9 External links

Definition[edit]
The Oxford Handbook of Biblical Studies defines the field as a set of various, and in some cases independent disciplines for the study of the collection of ancient texts generally known as the Bible.[1] These disciplines include but are not limited to archaeology, Egyptology, textual criticism, linguistics, history, sociology and theology.[1]
Academic societies[edit]
Several academic associations and societies promote research in the field. The largest is the Society of Biblical Literature (SBL) with around 8,500 members in more than 80 countries. It publishes many books and journals in the biblical studies, including its flagship, the Journal of Biblical Literature. SBL hosts one academic conference in North America and another international conference each year, as well as smaller regional meetings.
Biblical criticism[edit]
The research of biblical scholars is frequently called biblical criticism. It does not presuppose, but also does not deny, belief in the supernatural origins of the scriptures. Instead, it applies to the Bible methods of textual analysis used in other disciplines of the humanities and social sciences. Many biblical scholars also interact with traditional Jewish and Christian interpreters and methods of interpretation, which may be called biblical exegesis or hermeneutics and history of interpretation or reception history.
History of the Bible[edit]
Historical research has often dominated modern biblical studies. Biblical scholars usually try to interpret a particular text within its original historical context and use whatever information is available to reconstruct that setting. Historical criticism aims to determine the provenance, authorship, and process by which ancient texts were composed. Famous theories of historical criticism include the documentary hypothesis which suggests that the Pentateuch was compiled from four different written sources, and different reconstructions of "the historical Jesus" based primarily on the differences among the canonical Gospels.
Original languages[edit]
Most of the Jewish Bible, the Tanakh, which is the basis of the Christian Old Testament, was written in Biblical Hebrew, though a few chapters were written in Biblical Aramaic. The New Testament was written in Koine Greek, with possible Aramaic undertones, as was the first translation of the Jewish Bible known as the Septuagint or Greek Old Testament. Therefore, Hebrew, Greek and sometimes Aramaic continue to be taught in most universities, colleges and seminaries with strong programs in biblical studies.
See also[edit]
The Bible and history
Biblical hermeneutics
Chronology of the Bible
Higher criticism
References[edit]
1.^ Jump up to: a b c d The Oxford Handbook of Biblical Studies by J. W. Rogerson and Judith M. Lieu (May 18, 2006) ISBN 0199254257 page xvii
2.Jump up ^ Introduction to Biblical Studies, Second Edition by Steve Moyise (Oct 27, 2004) ISBN 0567083977 pages 11–12
Further reading[edit]
The Cambridge History of the Bible, 3 vols., eds. P. R. Ackroyd, C. F. Evans, S. L. Greenslade and G. W. H. Lampe. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1963, 1969, 1970.
Frei, Hans. The Eclipse of Biblical Narrative: A Study in Eighteenth and Nineteenth Century Hermeneutics. New Haven: Yale, 1974.
Greenspahn, Frederick E. "Biblical Scholars, Medieval and Modern," in J. Neusner et al. (eds.), Judaic Perspectives on Ancient Israel (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1987), pp. 245–258.
Harrison, Peter. The Bible, Protestantism, and the Rise of Natural Science. Cambridge: Cambridge U.P., 2001.
Harrisville, Roy A. & Walter Sundberg. The Bible in Modern Culture: Baruch Spinoza to Brevard Childs. 2nd ed. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2001.
Knight, Douglas A. and Gene M. Tucker, eds. The Hebrew Bible and Its Modern Interpreters. Philadelphia: Fortress/Chico: Scholars Press, 1985.
Nicholson, Ernest W. The Pentateuch in the Twentieth Century: The Legacy of Julius Wellhausen. Oxford: Clarendon, 1998.
Noll, Mark A. Between Faith and Criticism: Evangelicals, Scholarship, and the Bible in America. Harper & Row, 1986.
Reventlow, Henning Graf. The Authority of the Bible and the Rise of the Modern World. Tr. J. Bowden. Philadelphia: Fortress, 1985.
Sherwood, Yvonne and Stephen D. Moore. The Invention of the Biblical Scholar: A Critical Manifesto. Fortress, 2011.
Sperling, S. David. Students of the Covenant: A History of Jewish Biblical Scholarship in North America. Atlanta Scholars Press, 1992.
Sugirtharajah, R.S. The Bible and the Third World: Precolonial, Colonial, and Postcolonial Encounters. Cambridge: Cambridge U.P., 2001.
External links[edit]
Bible Studies - Staying in the Word
Society of Biblical Literature
AcademicBible.com from the German Bible Society
Wabash Center's Internet Guid to Religion: Bible


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 The examples and perspective in this article deal primarily with the United States and do not represent a worldwide view of the subject. Please improve this article and discuss the issue on the talk page. (February 2015)
Christian right or religious right is a term used in the United States to describe right-wing Christian political factions that are characterized by their strong support of socially conservative policies. Christian conservatives principally seek to apply their understanding of the teachings of Christianity to politics and public policy by proclaiming the value of those teachings or by seeking to use those teachings to influence law and public policy.[1]
In the U.S., the Christian right is an informal coalition formed around a core of evangelical Protestants and Catholics.[2][3][4] The Christian right draws additional support from politically conservative mainline Protestants, Jews, and Mormons.[2][5] The movement has its roots in American politics going back as far as the 1940s and has been especially influential since the 1970s.[6][7] Their influence draws, in part, from grassroots activism as well as their focus on social issues and ability to motivate the electorate around those issues.[8] The Christian right is notable today for advancing socially conservative positions on issues including school prayer, intelligent design, stem cell research,[9] homosexuality,[10] contraception, abortion,[11] and pornography.[12]
Although the Christian right is usually associated with the U.S., similar movements have been a key factor in the politics of Canada, the Netherlands, Northern Ireland and Australia, among others.


Contents  [hide]
1 Terminology
2 History 2.1 Ability to organize 2.1.1 Grassroots activism
2.1.2 Political leaders and institutions

3 Institutions in the United States 3.1 National organizations
3.2 Partisan activity of churches
3.3 Electoral activity
3.4 Education
3.5 Media
4 Views 4.1 Education
4.2 Evolution
4.3 Sexual education
4.4 Homeschooling
4.5 Politics 4.5.1 Role of government
4.5.2 Separation of Church and State
4.5.3 Economics
4.5.4 The Middle East
4.6 Abortion and contraception
4.7 Biotechnology
4.8 Sex and sexuality
5 Criticism 5.1 Interpretation of Christianity
5.2 Race and diversity
5.3 LGBT rights
5.4 Use of Dominionism Labeling
6 Environment
7 Movements outside the United States 7.1 Canada
7.2 The Netherlands
7.3 Other countries
8 Associated minor political parties
9 See also
10 Notes
11 References
12 Further reading

Terminology[edit]
The Christian right is "also known as the New Christian Right (NCR) or the Religious Right", although some consider the religious right to be "a slightly broader category than Christian Right".[6][13]
John C. Green of the Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life states that Jerry Falwell used the label religious right to describe himself. Gary Schneeberger, vice president of media and public relations for Focus on the Family, states that "[t]erms like 'religious right' have been traditionally used in a pejorative way to suggest extremism. The phrase 'socially conservative evangelicals' is not very exciting, but that's certainly the way to do it."[14]
Evangelical leaders like Tony Perkins of the Family Research Council have called attention to the problem of equating the term "Christian right" with evangelicals. Although evangelicals constitute the core constituency of the Christian right, not all evangelicals fit the description. The problem of description is further complicated by the fact that religious conservative may refer to other groups. Mennonites and the Amish, for example, are theologically conservative, however there are no overtly political organizations associated with these denominations.
History[edit]



Jerry Falwell, whose founding of the Moral Majority was a key step in the formation of the "New Christian Right"
The Christian right has been a notable force in both the Republican party and American politics since the late 1970s, when Baptist pastor Jerry Falwell and other Christian leaders began to urge conservative Christians to involve themselves in the political process. In response to the rise of the Christian right, the 1980 Republican Party platform assumed a number of its positions, including dropping support for the Equal Rights Amendment and adding support for a restoration of school prayer. While the platform also opposed abortion[6][7][15] and leaned towards restricting taxpayer funding for abortions and passing a constitutional amendment which would restore protection of the right to life for unborn children,[15] it also accepted that many Americans, including fellow Republicans, were divided on the issue.[15] Since about 1980, the Christian right has been associated with several institutions including the Moral Majority, the Christian Coalition, Focus on the Family and the Family Research Council.[16][17]
While the influence of the Christian right is typically traced to the 1980 Presidential election, Daniel K. Williams argues in God's Own Party that it had actually been involved in politics for most of the twentieth century. He also notes that the Christian right had previously been in alliance with the Republican Party in the 1940s through 1960s on matters such as opposition to communism and defending "a Protestant-based moral order."[18]
Into the 1960 election, Catholics and evangelicals worked against each other, as evangelicals mobilized their forces to defeat Catholics Al Smith in 1928 and John F. Kennedy in 1960.[19] Secularization came to be seen by Protestants as the biggest threat to Christian values, however,[20] and by the 1980s Catholic bishops and evangelicals had begun to work together on issues such as abortion.[4][21][22]
The alienation of Southern Democrats from the Democratic Party contributed to the rise of the right, as the counterculture of the 1960s provoked fear of social disintegration. In addition, as the Democratic Party became identified with a pro-choice position on abortion and with nontraditional societal values, social conservatives joined the Republican Party in increasing numbers.[23]
In 1976, U.S. President Jimmy Carter received the support of the Christian right largely because of his much-acclaimed religious conversion. However, Carter's spiritual transformation did not compensate for his liberal policies in the minds of Christian conservatives, as reflected in Jerry Falwell's criticism that "Americans have literally stood by and watched as godless, spineless leaders have brought our nation floundering to the brink of death."[24]
Ability to organize[edit]
The contemporary Christian right became increasingly vocal and organized in reaction to a series of United States Supreme Court decisions, most notably Bob Jones University v. Simon and Bob Jones University v. United States. It has also engaged in battles over pornography, obscenity, abortion, state sanctioned prayer in public schools, textbook contents (concerning creationism), homosexuality, and sexual education. It was long believed that the Supreme Court's decision to make abortion a Constitution-protected right in the 1973 Roe v Wade ruling was the driving force behind the New Christian Right Movement's rise in the 1970s.[25] Despite the large grassroots campaigns that were organized by the movement to protest the Roe decision, comments made by senior figures, including the movement's chief architect Paul Weyrich, have suggested that the New Christian Right Movement's rise was not centered around the issue of abortion, but rather Bob Jones University's refusal to comply with the Supreme Court's 1971 Green v. Connally ruling that permitted the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) to collect penalty taxes from private religious schools that violated federal laws.[25] Biblical scholar and Religious Right critic Randall Balmer alleged that discussions he had with various New Christian Right Movement activists in the years following Roe v. Wade showed that there was widespread reluctance within the movement to push for new laws which would outlaw all forms of abortion.[25]



 Demonstrators at the 2004 March for Life in Washington D.C.
In Thy Kingdom Come, Balmer recounted comments that Weyrich made at a conference sponsored by a Religious Right organization, that they both attended in Washington in 1990:[25]
“ In the course of one of the sessions, Weyrich tried to make a point to his Religious Right brethren (no women attended the conference, as I recall). Let's remember, he said animatedly, that the Religious Right did not come together in response to the Roe decision. No, Weyrich insisted, what got us going as a political movement was the attempt on the part of the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) to rescind the tax-exempt status of Bob Jones University because of its racially discriminatory policies. ”
Bob Jones University, a private, non-denominational Protestant university located in Greenville, South Carolina, had policies that refused black students enrollment until 1971,[25] admitted only married blacks from 1971 to 1975,[25] and prohibited interracial dating and marriage between 1975 and 2000.[25] In the 1974 Bob Jones University v. Simon case, the US Supreme Court further enforced the Green decision and ruled that the IRS could penalize the University for enforcing segregation policies. The following year, the IRS sought to penalize Bob Jones University for refusing to allow interracial dating.[25] During this time, Weyrich organized a campaign to defend the University and alleged that various social issues that were deemed immoral by various religious conservatives justified the need to end federal intervention in religious schools.[25] As Balmer recalled:[25]
“ During the following break in the conference proceedings, I cornered Weyrich to make sure I had heard him correctly. He was adamant that, yes, the 1975 action by the IRS against Bob Jones University was responsible for the genesis of the Religious Right in the late 1970s. What about abortion? After mobilizing to defend Bob Jones University and its racially discriminatory policies, Weyrich said, these evangelical leaders held a conference call to discuss strategy. He recalled that someone suggested that they had the makings of a broader political movement—something that Weyrich had been pushing for all along—and asked what other issues they might address. Several callers made suggestions, and then, according to Weyrich, a voice on the end of one of the lines said, "How about abortion?" And that is how abortion was cobbled into the political agenda of the Religious Right. ”
Grassroots activism[edit]
Much of the Christian right's power within the American political system is attributed to their extraordinary turnout rate at the polls. The voters that coexist in the Christian right are also highly motivated and driven to get out a viewpoint on issues they care about. As well as high voter turnout, they can be counted on to attend political events, knock on doors and distribute literature. Members of the Christian right are willing to do the electoral work needed to see their candidate elected. Because of their high level of devotion, the Christian right does not need to monetarily compensate these people for their work.[8][26]
Political leaders and institutions[edit]
Led by Robert Grant advocacy group Christian Voice, Jerry Falwell's Moral Majority, Ed McAteer's Religious Roundtable Council, James Dobson's Focus on the Family, Paul Weyrich's Free Congress Foundation[27] and Pat Robertson's Christian Broadcasting Network, the new Religious Right combined conservative politics with evangelical and fundamentalist teachings.[16] The birth of the New Christian right, however, is usually traced to a 1979 meeting where televangelist Jerry Falwell was urged to create a "Moral Majority" organization.[17][28] In 1979, Weyrich was in a discussion with Falwell when he remarked that there was a "moral majority" of Americans ready to be called to political action.[27] Weyrich later recalled in a 2007 interview with the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel that after he mentioned the term "moral majority," Falwell "turned to his people and said, 'That's the name of our organization.' "[27]
Weyrich would then engineer a strong union between the Republican Party and many culturally conservative Christians.[27] Soon, Moral Majority became a general term for the conservative political activism of evangelists and fundamentalists such as Pat Robertson, James Robinson, and Jerry Falwell.[24] Howard Schweber, Professor at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, writes that "in the past two decades", "Catholic politicians have emerged as leading figures in the religious conservative movement."[3]
Institutions in the United States[edit]
 Wikinews has related news: Vanity Fair contributing editor Craig Unger on the rise of the Christian right
National organizations[edit]
See also: Moral Majority, Christian Voice (USA), Christian Coalition of America, Eagle Forum and The Family (Christian political organization)
One early attempt to bring the Christian right into American politics began in 1974 when Dr. Robert Grant, an early movement leader, founded American Christian Cause to advocate Christian ideological teachings in Southern California. Concerned that Christians overwhelmingly voted for President Jimmy Carter in 1976, Grant expanded his movement and founded Christian Voice to rally Christian voters behind socially conservative candidates.
In the late 1980s Pat Robertson founded the Christian Coalition of America, building from his 1988 presidential run, with Republican activist Ralph Reed, who became the spokesman for the Coalition. In 1992, the national Christian Coalition, Inc., headquartered in Virginia Beach, Virginia, began producing voter guides, which it distributed to conservative Christian churches. Under the leadership of Reed and Robertson, the Coalition quickly became the most prominent voice in the conservative Christian movement, its influence culminating with an effort to support the election of a conservative Christian to the presidency in 1996. In addition, they have talked encouraged the convergence of conservative Christian ideology with political issues, such as healthcare, the economy, education and crime.[29]



 Focus on the Family's Visitor's Welcome Center in Colorado Springs, Colorado.
Political activists lobbied within the Republican party locally and nationally to influence party platforms and nominations.[30] More recently Dr. James Dobson's group Focus on the Family, based in Colorado Springs, and the Family Research Council in Washington D.C. have gained enormous respect from Republican lawmakers. While strongly advocating for these ideological matters, Dobson himself is more wary of the political spectrum and much of the resources of his group are devoted to other aims such as media.[31] However, as a private citizen, Dobson has stated his opinion on presidential elections; on February 5, 2008, Dobson issued a statement regarding the 2008 presidential election and his strong disappointment with the Republican party's candidates.[32]
In an essay written in 1996, Ralph Reed argued against the moral absolutist tone of Christian right leaders, arguing for the Republican Party Platform to stress the moral dimension of abortion rather than placing emphasis on overturning Roe v. Wade. Reed believes that pragmatism is the best way to advocate for the Christian right.[33]
Partisan activity of churches[edit]
Overtly partisan actions by churches could threaten their 501(c)(3) tax-exempt status due to the Johnson Amendment of the Internal Revenue Code.[34] In one notable example, the former pastor of the East Waynesville Baptist Church in Waynesville, North Carolina "told the congregation that anyone who planned to vote for Democratic Sen. John Kerry should either leave the church or repent".[35] The church later expelled nine members who had voted for Kerry and refused to repent, which led to criticism on the national level. The pastor resigned and the ousted church members were allowed to return.[36]
The Alliance Defense Fund started the Pulpit Freedom Initiative[37] in 2008. ADF states that "[t]he goal of Pulpit Freedom Sunday is simple: have the Johnson Amendment declared unconstitutional – and once and for all remove the ability of the IRS to censor what a pastor says from the pulpit."[38]
Electoral activity[edit]
See also: Family Research Council
Christian right organizations sometimes conduct polls to determine which presidential candidates will receive the support of Christian right constituents. One such poll is taken at the Family Research Council's Values Voter Summit.[39][40] George W. Bush's electoral success owed much to his overwhelming support from white evangelical voters, who comprise 23% of the vote. In 2000 he received 68% of the white evangelical vote; in 2004 that percentage rose to 78%.[41]
Education[edit]
The Home School Legal Defense Association was co-founded in 1983 by Michael Farris, who would later establish Patrick Henry College, and Michael Smith. This organization attempts to challenge laws that serve as obstacles to allowing parents to home-school their children and to organize the disparate group of homeschooling families into a cohesive bloc. The number of homeschooling families has increased in the last twenty years, and around 80 percent of these families identify themselves as evangelicals.[42]
The main universities associated with the Christian right are:
Bob Jones University — Protestant Fundamentalist university, founded in 1927.[43]
Media[edit]
See also: The 700 Club and Christian Broadcasting Network
The media has played a major role in the rise of the Christian right since the 1920s and has continued to be a powerful force for political Christianity today. The role of the media for the Religious right has been influential in its ability to connect Christian audiences to the larger American culture while at the same time bringing and keeping religion into play as both a political and a cultural force.[44] The political agenda of the Christian right has been disseminated to the public through a variety of media outlets including radio broadcasting, television, and literature.
Religious broadcasting began in the 1920s through the radio.[44] Between the 1950s and 1980s, TV became a powerful way for the Christian right to influence the public through shows such as Pat Robertson's The 700 Club and The Family Channel. The Internet has also helped the Christian right reach a much larger audience. Organization's websites play a strong role in popularising the Christian right's stances on cultural and political issues, and informed interested viewers on how to get involved. The Christian Coalition, for example, has used the Internet to inform the public, as well as to sell merchandise and gather members.[45]
Views[edit]
Education[edit]
The Christian right has strong opinions on how American children should be educated, most notably emphasising their support for Christian activities in public schools.
The Christian right strongly advocates for a system of educational choice, using a system of school vouchers, instead of public education. Vouchers would be government funded and could be redeemed for "a specified maximum sum per child per years if spent on approved educational services".[46] This method would allow parents to determine which school their child attends while relieving the economic burden associated with private schools. The concept is popular among constituents of church-related schools, including those affiliated with Roman Catholicism.
Evolution[edit]
See also: Creation and evolution in public education
The Christian right in the United States promotes the teaching of creationism and intelligent design as opposed to biological evolution.[47][48] The Christian right has not supported the teaching of evolution in the past, but it does not have the ability to stop it being taught in public schools as was done during the Scopes Trial in Dayton, Tennessee, in which a science teacher went on trial for teaching about the subject of evolution in a public school.[49]
The Discovery Institute, through their Intelligent design initiative called the Center for Science and Culture, has endorsed the teach the controversy approach. Such an approach would ensure that both the strengths and weaknesses of evolutionary theory were discussed in the curriculum.[50] This tactic was criticized by Judge John E. Jones III in Kitzmiller v. Dover Area School District, describing it as "at best disingenuous, and at worst a canard."[51]
The overwhelming majority of scientific research, both in the United States and elsewhere, has concluded that the theory of evolution, using the technical definition of the word theory, is the only explanation of the development of life, and an overwhelming majority of biologists strongly support its presentation in public school science classes.[52] Outside the United States, the Christian right have generally come to accept the theory of evolution.[53][54][55][56][57]
Sexual education[edit]
On the issue of sexual education in public schools, a spectrum of views exist within the Christian right. Some advocate removing sexual education from public schools, others support teaching abstinence until marriage, and still others advocate encouraging modesty[clarification needed] and chastity[clarification needed].
The Christian right has been successful in promoting abstinence-only curricula. 30 percent of America's sexual-education programs are abstinence based.[58] These programs promote abstinence until marriage as the only way to prevent pregnancy, sexually transmitted diseases and the emotional issues that could arise from sexual activity.[59] Numerous scientific, peer-reviewed studies show that such programs do not limit teen pregnancy over the long run.[60][61][62]
Homeschooling[edit]
The Christian right sees homeschooling and private schooling as a valid alternative to public education for parents who object to the content being taught at school. In recent years, the percentage of children being homeschooled has risen from 1.7% of the student population in 1999 to 2.2% in 2003.[63] Much of this increase has been attributed to the desire to incorporate Christian teachings into the curriculum.[64] In 2003, 72% of parents who homeschooled their children cited the ability to provide religious or moral instruction as the reason for removing their children from public schools.[65]
Politics[edit]
See also: Separation of church and state, Separation of church and state in the United States, Establishment Clause, Dominionism, Christian Reconstructionism and Theonomy
As a right-wing political movement, the Christian right is strongly opposed to left-wing ideologies such as socialism and the welfare state. Soviet-style Communism is sometimes seen as a threat to the Western Christian tradition.[66]
Role of government[edit]
The Christian Right supports small government, economic liberalism and fiscal conservatism. The Christian right generally believes that the government should not interfere with the natural operations of the marketplace or the workplace.[67] It promotes conservative interpretations of the Bible as the basis for moral values, and enforcing such values by legislation.
Separation of Church and State[edit]
The Christian right believes that separation of church and state is not explicit in the American Constitution, believing instead that such separation is a creation of what it claims are activist judges in the judicial system.[68][69][70] In the United States, the Christian right often supports their claims by asserting that the country was "founded by Christians as a Christian Nation."[71][72] Members of the Christian right take the position that the Establishment Clause bars the federal government from establishing or sponsoring a state church (e.g., the Church of England), but does not prevent the government from acknowledging religion. The Christian right points out that the term "separation of church and state" is derived from a letter written by Thomas Jefferson, not from the Constitution itself.[73][74][75] Furthermore, the Alliance Defense Fund takes the view that the concept of "separation of church and state" has been utilized by the American Civil Liberties Union and its allies to inhibit public acknowledgment of Christianity and restrict the religious freedoms of Christians.[76]
Thus, Christian right leaders have argued that the Establishment Clause does not prohibit the display of religion in the public sphere. Leaders therefore believe that public institutions should be allowed to display the Ten Commandments. This interpretation has been repeatedly rejected by the courts, which have found that such displays violate the Establishment Clause.[dubious – discuss][citation needed] Public officials though are prohibited from using their authority in which the primary effect is "advancing or prohibiting religion", according to the Lemon Supreme Court test, and there cannot be an "excessive entanglement with religion" and the government.[77] Some, such as Bryan Fischer of the American Family Association, argue that the First Amendment, which specifically restricts Congress, applies only to the Congress and not the states. This position rejects the incorporation of the Bill of Rights.[78]
Generally, the Christian right supports the presence of religious institutions within government and the public sphere, and advocates for fewer restrictions on government funding for religious charities and schools.
Economics[edit]
Early American fundamentalists, such as John R. Rice[79][80] often favoured laissez-faire economics and were outspoken critics of the New Deal and later the Great Society.[79] The contemporary Christian right supports economic conservative policies such as tax cuts and social conservative policies such as child tax credits.[81]
The Middle East[edit]
The Religious Right has given very strong support to the state of Israel in recent decades, encouraging support for Israel in the United States government.[82] Some have linked Israel to Biblical prophesies; for example, Ed McAteer, founder of the Moral Majority, said "I believe that we are seeing prophecy unfold so rapidly and dramatically and wonderfully and, without exaggerating, makes me breathless."[83]
Abortion and contraception[edit]
See also: Bioethics and Family values


 This section needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (July 2011)
The Christian right opposes abortion, believing that life begins at conception and that abortion is murder. Therefore, those in the movement have worked toward the overturning of Roe v. Wade, and have also supported incremental steps to make abortion less available. Such efforts include bans on late-term abortion (including intact dilation and extraction),[84] prohibitions against Medicaid funding and other public funding for elective abortions, removal of taxpayer funding for Planned Parenthood and other organizations that provide abortion services, legislation requiring parental consent or notification for abortions performed on minors,[85] legal protections for unborn victims of violence, legal protections for infants born alive following failed abortions, and bans on abortifacient medications.
The Christian right contends that morning-after pills such as Plan B and Ella are possible abortifacients, able to interfere with a fertilized egg's implantation in the uterine wall.[86] The labeling mandated by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) for Plan B and Ella state that they may interfere with implantation, but according to a June 2012, New York Times article, many scientists believe that they work only by interfering with ovulation and are arguing to have the implantation language removed from product labels. The Christian right maintains that the chemical properties of morning-after pills make them abortifacients and that the politics of abortion is influencing scientific judgments. Jonathan Imbody of the Christian Medical Association says he questions “whether ideological considerations are driving these decisions."[86]
Biotechnology[edit]
Due to the Christian right's views regarding ethics and to an extent due to negative views of eugenics common to most ideologies in North America, it has worked for the regulation and restriction of certain applications of biotechnology. In particular, the Christian right opposes therapeutic and reproductive human cloning, championing a 2005 United Nations ban on the practice,[87] and human embryonic stem cell research, which involves the extraction of one or more cells from a human embryo.[9] The Christian right supports research with adult stem cells, amniotic stem cells, and induced pluripotent stem cells which don't utilise cells from human embryos, as they view the harvesting of biological material from an embryo lacking the ability to give permission as an assault on a living being.
The Christian right also opposes euthanasia, and, in one highly publicized case, took an active role in seeking governmental intervention to prevent Terri Schiavo from being deprived of nutrition and hydration.
Sex and sexuality[edit]
The modern roots of the Christian right's views on sexual matters were evident in the 1950s, a period in which many Christian conservatives in the United States viewed sexual promiscuity as not only excessive, but in fact as a threat to their ideal vision of the country.[10]:30 Beginning in the 1970s, conservative Christian protests against promiscuity began to surface, largely as a reaction to the "permissive sixties" and an emerging prominence of sexual rights arising from Roe v Wade and the gay rights movement. The Christian right proceeded to make sexuality issues a priority political cause.[10]:28
The Christian right champions itself as the "self-appointed conscience of American society". During the 1980s, the movement was largely dismissed by political pundits and mainstream religious leaders as "a collection of buffoonish has-beens". Later, it re-emerged, better organized and more focused, taking firm positions against abortion, pornography, sexual deviency, and feminism.[12][88]:4
Influential Christian right organizations at the forefront of the anti-gay rights movement in the United States include Focus on the Family, Family Research Council and the Family Research Institute.[10]:15–16 An important stratagem in Christian right anti-gay politics is in its rejection of "the edicts of a Big Brother" state, allowing it to profit from "a general feeling of discontent and demoralization with government". As a result, the Christian right has endorsed smaller government, restricting its ability to arbitrate in disputes regarding values and traditions. In this context, gay rights laws have come to symbolize the government's allegedly unconstitutional "[interference] with individual freedom".[10]:170–171
The central tenets of Focus on the Family and similar organizations, such as the Family Research Council, emphasise issues such as abortion and the necessity of gender roles. A number of organizations, including the New Christian Right, "have in various ways rejected liberal America in favor of the regulation of pornography, anti-abortion legislation, the criminalization of homosexuality, and the virtues of faithfulness and loyalty in sexual partnerships", according to sociologist Bryan Turner.[11]
A large number of the Christian right view same-sex marriage as a central issue in the culture wars, more so than other gay rights issues and even more significantly than abortion.[88]:57[dubious – discuss] The legalization of same-sex marriage in 2004 changed the Christian right, causing it to put its opposition to these marriages above most other issues. It also created previously unknown interracial and ecumenical coalitions, and stimulated new electoral activity in pastors and congregations.[88]:58
Criticism[edit]
Criticisms of the Christian right come from many people who call for a caring and connected society focused on social responsibility and social justice. Theologian Michael Lerner has summarized:

The unholy alliance of the Political Right and the Religious Right threatens to destroy the America we love. It also threatens to generate a revulsion against God and religion by identifying them with militarism, ecological irresponsibility, fundamentalist antagonism to science and rational thought, and insensitivity to the needs of the poor and the powerless.[89]
Interpretation of Christianity[edit]
Further information: Christian left
One argument questioning the legitimacy of the Christian right is that Jesus Christ may be considered a leftist on the modern political spectrum. Jesus' concern with the poor and feeding the hungry, among other things, are core attributes of modern-day Socialism and opposition to the social disparity viewed by those on the right-wing as inevitable or favourable.[90][91][92]
Some criticize what they see as a politicization of Christianity because they say Jesus transcends our political concepts.[93][94][95]
Mikhail Gorbachev referred to Jesus as "the first Socialist".[96][97]
Race and diversity[edit]
The conclusions of a review of 112 studies on Christian faith and ethnic prejudice were summarized by a study in 1980 as being that "white Protestants associated with groups possessing fundamentalist belief systems are generally more prejudiced than members of non-fundamentalist groups, with unchurched whites exhibiting least prejudice."[98] The original review found that its conclusions held "regardless of when the studies were conducted, from whom the data came, the region where the data were collected, or the type of prejudice studied."[99] More recently in 2003, eight studies have found a positive correlation between fundamentalism and prejudice, using different measures of fundamentalism.[100]
A number of prominent members of the Christian right, including Jerry Falwell and Rousas John Rushdoony, have in the past supported segregation, with Falwell arguing in a 1958 sermon that integration will lead to the destruction of the white race.[101][102]
In Thy Kingdom Come, Randall Balmer recounts comments that Paul M. Weyrich, whom he describes as "one of the architects of the Religious Right in the late 1970s", made at a conference, sponsored by a Religious Right organization, that they both attended in Washington in 1990:[103]

In the course of one of the sessions, Weyrich tried to make a point to his Religious Right brethren (no women attended the conference, as I recall). Let's remember, he said animatedly, that the Religious Right did not come together in response to the Roe decision. No, Weyrich insisted, what got us going as a political movement was the attempt on the part of the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) to rescind the tax-exempt status of Bob Jones University because of its racially discriminatory policies.
—Paul M. Weyrich
Bob Jones University had policies that refused black students enrollment until 1971, and admitted only married blacks from 1971 to 1975. The university continued to forbid interracial dating until 2000.[104] In an interview with The Politico, University of Virginia theologian Charles Marsh, author of Wayward Christian Soldiers and the son of a Southern Baptist minister, stated:[105]

As someone who grew up in Mississippi and Alabama during the civil rights movement, … my reading is that the conservative Christian movement never was able to distinguish itself from the segregationist movement, and that is one of the reasons I find so much of the rhetoric familiar — and unsettling.
By the end of the civil rights movement, the way was set for this marriage of the Republican Party and conservative Christians. … At the Neshoba County Fair in Mississippi in 1980, (Ronald) Reagan's statement "I am for states' rights" was a remarkable moment in the conservative South. The Southern way of life was affirmed and then deftly grafted into national conservative politics.
LGBT rights[edit]
Whilst the Christian right in the United States is making a tough stand against the progression of LGBT rights, other Christians have taken a more lighthearted approach towards the matter, arguing that the biblical texts only oppose specific types of divergent sexual behaviour, such as paederasty (i.e. the sodomising of young boys by older men).[106][107][108][109]
Use of Dominionism Labeling[edit]
Main article: Dominionism
Some social scientists have used the word "dominionism" to refer to adherence to Dominion Theology[110][111][112] as well as to the influence in the broader Christian Right of ideas inspired by Dominion Theology.[110] Although such influence (particularly of Reconstructionism) has been described by many authors,[17][113] full adherents to Reconstructionism are few and marginalized among conservative Christians.[17][114][115] In the early 1990s, sociologist Sara Diamond[28][116] defined dominionism in her Ph.D. dissertation as a movement that, while including Dominion Theology and Reconstructionism as subsets, is much broader in scope, extending to much of the Christian Right.[117] She was followed by journalists including Frederick Clarkson[118][119] and Chris Hedges[120][121][122] and others who have stressed the influence of Dominionist ideas on the Christian right.[123][124][125][126][127][128][129][130][131][132]
The terms "dominionist" and "dominionism" are rarely used for self-description, and their usage has been attacked from several quarters. Journalist Anthony Williams charged that its purpose is "to smear the Republican Party as the party of domestic Theocracy, facts be damned."[133] Stanley Kurtz labeled it "conspiratorial nonsense," "political paranoia," and "guilt by association",[134] and decried Hedges' "vague characterizations" that allow him to "paint a highly questionable picture of a virtually faceless and nameless 'Dominionist' Christian mass."[135] Kurtz also complained about a perceived link between average Christian evangelicals and extremism such as Christian Reconstructionism:

The notion that conservative Christians want to reinstitute slavery and rule by genocide is not just crazy, it's downright dangerous. The most disturbing part of the Harper's cover story (the one by Chris Hedges) was the attempt to link Christian conservatives with Hitler and fascism. Once we acknowledge the similarity between conservative Christians and fascists, Hedges appears to suggest, we can confront Christian evil by setting aside 'the old polite rules of democracy.' So wild conspiracy theories and visions of genocide are really excuses for the Left to disregard the rules of democracy and defeat conservative Christians — by any means necessary.[134]
Lisa Miller of Newsweek said that many warnings about "dominionism" are "paranoid" and that "the word creates a siege mentality in which 'we' need to guard against 'them.'"[136] Ross Douthat of the New York Times noted that "many of the people that writers like Diamond and others describe as 'dominionists' would disavow the label, many definitions of dominionism conflate several very different Christian political theologies, and there’s a lively debate about whether the term is even useful at all."[137] According to Joe Carter of First Things, "the term was coined in the 1980s by Diamond and is never used outside liberal blogs and websites. No reputable scholars use the term for it is a meaningless neologism that Diamond concocted for her dissertation,"[138] while Jeremy Pierce of First Things coined the word "dominionismist" to describe those who promote the idea that there is a dominionist conspiracy.[139]
Other criticism has focused on the proper use of the term. Berlet wrote that "some critics of the Christian Right have stretched the term dominionism past its breaking point,"[140] and argued that, rather than labeling conservatives as extremists, it would be better to "talk to these people" and "engage them."[141] Sara Diamond wrote that "[l]iberals' writing about the Christian Right's take-over plans has generally taken the form of conspiracy theory", and argued that instead one should "analyze the subtle ways" that ideas like Dominionism "take hold within movements and why."[142]
Dan Olinger, a professor at the fundamentalist Bob Jones University in Greenville said, “We want to be good citizens and participants, but we’re not really interested in using the iron fist of the law to compel people to everything Christians should do.”[143] Bob Marcaurelle, interim pastor at Mountain Springs Baptist Church in Piedmont, said the Middle Ages were proof enough that Christian ruling groups are almost always corrupted by power. “When Christianity becomes the government, the question is whose Christianity?” Marcaurelle asked.[144]
Environment[edit]
[icon] This section requires expansion. (February 2015)
According to some social science research, Christians and members of the Christian right are typically less concerned about issues of environmental responsibility than the general public.[145][146]
Movements outside the United States[edit]
While the Christian Right is a strong movement in the United States, it has a presence as well in Canada. There is nothing quite like it in Europe.[147] Alan Curtis suggests that the Christian right "is a phenomenon that is very hard for Europeans to understand."[148]
Canada[edit]
Main article: Conservatism in Canada
See also: Abortion in Canada and Same-sex marriage in Canada
Religion has been a key factor in Canadian politics since well before Canadian Confederation in 1867, when the Conservatives were the party of traditionalist Catholics and Anglicans and the Liberals were the party of Protestant dissenters and anti-clerical Catholics. This pattern largely remained until the mid-twentieth century when a new division emerged between the Christian left (represented by the Social Gospel philosophy and ecumenicism) and the Christian right (represented by fundamentalism and biblical literalism). The Christian left (along with the secular and anti-religious left) became supporters of the New Democratic Party while the right moved to the Social Credit Party, especially in Western Canada, and to a lesser extent the Progressive Conservatives.
The Social Credit Party, founded in 1935 represented a major change in Canadian religious politics. Until that time, fundamentalists had shunned politics as "worldly", and a distraction from the proper practice of religion. However, the new party was founded by fundamentalist radio preacher and Bible school teacher William Aberhart or "Bible Bill". Aberhart mixed his own interpretation of scripture and prophecy with the monetary reform theories of social credit to create a movement that swept across Alberta, winning the provincial election of 1935 in a landslide. Aberhart and his disciple Ernest Manning then governed the province for the next forty years, several times trying to expand into the rest of Canada. In 1987 Manning's son, Preston Manning, founded the new Reform Party of Canada, which soon became the main party of the religious right. It won majorities of the seats in Western Canada in repeated elections, but was unable to break through in Eastern Canada, though it became the official opposition from 1997 to 2003 (Reform was renamed the Canadian Alliance in 2000). In 2003 the Canadian Alliance and the Progressive Conservatives merged to create the Conservative Party of Canada, led by Stephen Harper, a member of the Christian and Missionary Alliance, who went on to become prime minister in 2006.
Canada has had a Charter of Rights and Freedoms since the Canadian Constitution was patriated in 1982. As a result, there have been major changes in the law's application to issues that bear on individual and minority group rights. Abortions were completely decriminalized after two R. v. Morgentaler cases (in 1988 and in 1993). A series of provincial superior court decisions allowing same-sex marriage led the federal government to introduce legislation that introduced same sex marriage in all of Canada. The current prime minister, Stephen Harper and his Conservative Party of Canada, stated before taking office that he would hold a free vote on the issue,[149] but declared the issue closed after a vote in the Canadian House of Commons in 2006.[150]
The Netherlands[edit]
In the Netherlands Calvinist Protestants have long had their own political parties, now called the Reformed Political Party (SGP) on the right, and the ChristianUnion (CU) in the center. For generations they operated their own newspapers and broadcasting association. The SGP has about 28,000 members, and three members of parliament, of the 150. It has always been in opposition to the government.[151] The SGP has helped the Dutch government to get laws through the Second Chamber 2010-2012. In exchange that government did not increase the number of Sundays on which shopping is allowed.
Other countries[edit]
In Northern Ireland, the Reverend Ian Paisley led a Protestant fundamentalist party, the Democratic Unionist Party, which had a considerable influence on the province's culture.[152][153] Karen Armstrong has mentioned English evangelical leader Colin Urquhart as advocating positions similar to the Christian Right.[154] Some of the members of the Conservative Party also support some of the values of the Christian right.
In Australia, fundamentalist Christianity is the base for Fred Nile and his Christian Democratic Party as well as the Family First Party. Nile in 1967-68 was Assistant Director of the Billy Graham Crusade in Sydney. Both parties promote social conservatism, opposing gay rights and abortion.[155] Some party members of the Liberal and National Party Coalition and the Australian Labor Party also support some of the values of the Christian right on abortion and gay rights.
In the Philippines, due to Spanish colonization, and the introduction of the Catholic Church, religious conservatism has a strong influence on national policies.[156]
The Swiss Federal Democratic Union is a small conservative Protestant party with about 1% of the vote.[157]
In Scandinavia, the Centre Party is a bible-oriented fundamentalist party; it has about 4% of the votes in the Faroe Islands. However, the Norwegian Christian People's Party, the Swedish Christian Democrats and Danish Christian Democrats are less religiously orthodox and are similar to mainstream European Christian Democracy.
The Christian right has a strong position in several Conservative parties worldwide, although many members of these parties would also, paradoxically, strongly oppose such views.
Associated minor political parties[edit]
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Some minor political parties have formed as vehicles for Christian right activists:
Christian Democratic Party (Australia)
Christian Party of Austria (Austria)
Christian Electoral Community (Austria)
Christian Heritage Party (Canada)
Party of Bible-abiding Christians (Germany)
Reformed Political Party (Netherlands)
The Christians (Norway)
Christian Unity Party (Norway)
Federal Democratic Union (Switzerland)
Christian Party (United Kingdom)
Constitution Party (United States)[158]
See also[edit]

Portal icon Christianity portal
Portal icon Conservatism portal
American Center for Law & Justice
Bible Belt (Netherlands)
Bible Belt
Campaign Life Coalition
Chalcedon Foundation
Social conservatism
Traditional conservatism
Christian politics
Christian Zionism
Religious right (disambiguation)
Save Our Children
Theoconservatism
Contrast: Christian left, Secular left, Secular right
Notes[edit]
1.Jump up ^ Sociology: understanding a diverse society Margaret L. Andersen, Howard Francis Taylor , Cengage Learning, 2005 ISBN 978-0-534-61716-5, ISBN 978-0-534-61716-5
2.^ Jump up to: a b Deckman, Melissa Marie (2004). School Board Battles: The Christian Right in Local Politics. Georgetown University Press. p. 48. ISBN 9781589010017. Retrieved April 10, 2014. "More than half of all Christian right candidates attend evangelical Protestant churches, which are more theologically liberal. A relatively large number of Christian Right candidates (24 percent) are Catholics; however, when asked to describe themselves as either "progressive/liberal" or "traditional/conservative" Catholics, 88 percent of these Christian right candidates place themselves in the traditional category."
3.^ Jump up to: a b Schweber, Howard. "The Catholicization of the American Right". The Huffington Post. Retrieved February 24, 2012. "In the past two decades, the American religious Right has become increasingly Catholic. I mean that both literally and metaphorically. Literally, Catholic writers have emerged as intellectual leaders of the religious right in universities, the punditocracy, the press, and the courts, promoting an agenda that at its most theoretical involves a reclamation of the natural law tradition of Thomas Aquinas and at its most practical involves appeals to the kind of common-sense, "everybody knows," or "it just is" arguments that have characterized opposition to same-sex marriage ... Meanwhile, in the realm of actual politics, Catholic politicians have emerged as leading figures in the religious conservative movement."
4.^ Jump up to: a b Melissa Marie Deckman. School Board Battles: the Christian right in Local Politics. Georgetown University Press. "Indeed, such significant Christian Right leaders such as Pat Buchanan and Paul Weyrich are conservative Catholics."
5.Jump up ^ Smith, David Whitten; Burr, Elizabeth Geraldine (2007). Understanding World Religions: A Road Map for Justice and Peace. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 106.
6.^ Jump up to: a b c Encyclopedia of Religion and Society
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13.Jump up ^ Grant Wacker
14.Jump up ^ Sarah Pulliam: Phrase 'Religious Right' Misused, Conservatives Say Christianity Today (Web-only), February 12, 2009.
15.^ Jump up to: a b c Republican Party Platform of 1980
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18.Jump up ^ Williams 2010, p. 3
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20.Jump up ^ Williams 2010, p. 5
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22.Jump up ^ Kristin E. Heyer; Mark J. Rozell; Michael A. Genovese. Catholics and Politics: the Dynamic Tension between Faith and Power. Georgetown University Press. "To summarize, in the Republican Party, many Catholic activists held conservative positions on key issues emphasized by Christian Right leaders, and they said that they supported the political activities of some Christian Right candidates."
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35.Jump up ^ Democrats voted out of church because of their politics, members say, USA Today
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41.Jump up ^ Religion and the Presidential Vote, Pew Research Center for the People and the Press, December 6, 2004
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79.^ Jump up to: a b "[Rice] melded politics and religion in a way that made it very clear what side of any political issue he believed God was on.God had been very clearly opposed to the New Deal "socialism" of Franklin Roosevelt, and God was equally opposed to the Great Society "socialism" of Lyndon Baines Johnson". Andrew Himes, The Sword of the Lord: The Roots of Fundamentalism in an American Family Chiara Press, 2011 ISBN 1453843752, (p.271).
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84.Jump up ^ Partial Birth Abortion Act of 2003 108th United States Congress (1st session)
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86.^ Jump up to: a b Belluck, Pam (June 6, 2012). "Abortion Qualms on Morning-After Pill May Be Unfounded". The New York Times.
87.Jump up ^ "U.N. Adopts Pro-Life Declaration Against Human Cloning". Newsmax. February 19, 2005.
88.^ Jump up to: a b c Green, Hohn (2006). Green, John C.; Rozell, Mark J.; Wilcox, Clyde, ed. THE VALUES CAMPAIGN? The Christian Right and the 2004 Elections. Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press. ISBN 978-1589011083.  – via Questia (subscription required)
89.Jump up ^ Lerner, Michael (2006). The Left Hand of God (book). Harper Collins. p. 1. ISBN 978-0-06084247-5.
90.Jump up ^ Johnson, Paul (2005). Auburn University website "Right-wing, rightist". A Political Glossary. Retrieved 23 October 2014.
91.Jump up ^ Bobbio, Norberto and Allan Cameron,Left and Right: The Significance of a Political Distinction. University of Chicago Press, 1997, p. 51, 62. ISBN 978-0-226-06246-4
92.Jump up ^ J. E. Goldthorpe. An Introduction to Sociology. Cambridge, England, UK; Oakleigh, Melbourne, Australia; New York, New York, USA p. 156. ISBN 0-521-24545-1.
93.Jump up ^ [6] Herman Cain calls Jesus conservative
94.Jump up ^ Stephen J. Nichols: Jesus Made in America: A Cultural History from the Puritans to "The Passion of the Christ" pp. 204-209. Westmont, IL, 2008.
95.Jump up ^ Shermer, Michael (July 21, 2010). "Was Jesus a Conservative or a Liberal? - Michael Shermer - Skeptic". True/Slant. Retrieved December 26, 2011.
96.Jump up ^ "Biography of Mikhail Gorbachev". National Cold War Exhibition. Trustees of the Royal Air Force Museum. Retrieved August 10, 2012.
97.Jump up ^ Marvin Olasky: The Tragedy of American Compassion passim. Washington D.C. 1992.
98.Jump up ^ Sex Prejudice among White Protestants: Like or Unlike Ethnic Prejudice?, Charles W. Peek, Sharon Brown Social Forces, Vol. 59, No. 1 (Sep. 1980), pp. 169–185
99.Jump up ^ Christian Faith and Ethnic Prejudice: A Review and Interpretation of Research, Richard L. Gorsuch, Daniel Aleshire, Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, Vol. 13, No. 3 (Sep. 1974), pp. 281–307
100.Jump up ^ Altemeyer and Hunsberger (1992); Wylie and Forest, (1992); Hunsberger, (1996); Jackson and Esses, (1997); Hunsberger, Owusu and Duck, (1999); Laythe et al., (2001); Altemeyer, (2003)), cited in The Psychology of Religion, Third Edition: An Empirical Approach (2003), Spilka et al., p466
101.Jump up ^ http://www.salon.com/news/feature/2006/01/09/justice_sunday/, Michelle Goldberg, Salon.com
102.Jump up ^ Avenging angel of the religious right, Max Blumenthal, Salon.com
103.Jump up ^ Evangelical: Religious Right Has Distorted the Faith, Linda Wertheimer, National Public Radio
104.Jump up ^ [Susannah Meadows, "Passing the Torch at Bob Jones U." Newsweek Web Exclusive [MSNBC link expired], January 29, 2005, hard copy at Fundamentalism File, Mack Library, BJU.
105.Jump up ^ Religion and politics don't mix, Robin T. Reid, The Politico
106.Jump up ^ Why TCPC Advocates Equal Rights for Gay and Lesbian People
107.Jump up ^ Equality for Gays and Lesbians
108.Jump up ^ Bible & Homosexuality Home Page. Pflagdetroit.org (1998-12-11). Retrieved on 2013-08-24.
109.Jump up ^ [7][dead link]
110.^ Jump up to: a b Barron, Bruce. 1992. Heaven on Earth? The Social & Political Agendas of Dominion Theology. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Zondervan. ISBN 0-310-53611-1.
111.Jump up ^ Davis, Derek H. and Hankins, Barry, 2003. New Religious Movements and Religious Liberty in America, Baylor University Press.
112.Jump up ^ Davidson, Carl; Harris, Jerry (2006). "Globalisation, theocracy and the new fascism: the US Right's rise to power". Race and Class 47 (3): 47–67. doi:10.1177/0306396806061086.
113.Jump up ^ Berlet, Chip and Matthew N. Lyons. 2000. Right-Wing Populism in America: Too Close for Comfort. New York: Guilford Press.
114.Jump up ^ Diamond, Sara, 1998. Not by Politics Alone: The Enduring Influence of the Christian Right, New York: Guilford Press, p.213.
115.Jump up ^ Ortiz, Chris 2007. "Gary North on D. James Kennedy", Chalcedon Blog, September 6, 2007.
116.Jump up ^ Diamond, Sara. 1989. Spiritual Warfare: The Politics of the Christian Right. Boston: South End Press.
117.Jump up ^ In her early work, Diamond sometimes used the term dominion theology to refer to this broader movement, rather than to the specific theological system of Reconstructionism.
118.Jump up ^ Clarkson, Frederick, 1994. Christian Reconstructionism: Theocratic Dominionism Gains Influence", The Public Eye 8, Nos. 1 & 2, March/June 1994.
119.Jump up ^ Clarkson, Frederick. 1997. Eternal Hostility: The Struggle Between Theocracy and Democracy. Monroe, Maine: Common Courage. ISBN 1-56751-088-4
120.Jump up ^ The Christian Right and the Rise of American Fascism By Chris Hedges, TheocracyWatch.
121.Jump up ^ Hedges, Chris (May 2005). "Feeling the hate with the National Religious Broadcasters". Harper's. Retrieved April 11, 2007.
122.Jump up ^ Hedges, Chris, American Fascists: The Christian Right and the War on America, Free Press, 2006.
123.Jump up ^ Goldberg, Michelle 2006. Kingdom Coming: The Rise of Christian Nationalism. New York: W. W. Norton. ISBN 0-393-06094-2 (10). ISBN 978-0-393-06094-2 (13).
124.Jump up ^ Phillips, Kevin 2006. American Theocracy: The Peril and Politics of Radical Religion, Oil, and Borrowed Money in the 21st century ISBN 0-670-03486-X
125.Jump up ^ McCarraher, Eugene 2006. "Empire Falls", Commonweal 133(9), May 5, 2006.
126.Jump up ^ Yurica, Katherine 2004. "The Despoiling of America" published February 11, 2004. Retrieved October 3, 2007. And also published in Toward a New Political Humanism, Edited by Barry F. Seidman and Neil J. Murphy, Prometheus Books, New York, 2004.
127.Jump up ^ Yurica, Katherine 2004. Blood Guilty Churches, January 19, 2005. Retrieved October 6, 2007.
128.Jump up ^ Yurica, Katherine 2005. Yurica Responds to Stanley Kurtz Attack, May 23, 2005. Retrieved October 6, 2007.
129.Jump up ^ Maddox, Marion 2005. God under Howard: The Rise of the Religious Right in Australian Politics, Allen & Unwin.
130.Jump up ^ Rudin, James 2006. The Baptizing of America: The Religious Right's Plans for the Rest of Us, New York: Thunder's Mouth Press.
131.Jump up ^ Harris, Sam 2007. "God's dupes", Los Angeles Times, March 15, 2007. Retrieved October 8, 2007.
132.Jump up ^ "The Rise of the Religious Right in the Republican Party", TheocracyWatch, Last updated: December 2005; URL accessed May 8, 2006.
133.Jump up ^ Anthony Williams (May 4, 2005). ""Dominionist" Fantasies". FrontPage Magazine. Retrieved May 4, 2007.
134.^ Jump up to: a b Stanley Kurtz (May 2, 2005). "Dominionist Domination: The Left runs with a wild theory". National Review Online. Retrieved October 6, 2007.
135.Jump up ^ Stanley Kurtz (April 28, 2005). "Scary Stuff". National Review Online. Retrieved October 6, 2007.
136.Jump up ^ Miller, Lisa, 2011. 'Dominionism' beliefs among conservative Christians overblown. Newsweek. Published August 18, 2011. Retrieved September 8, 2011.
137.Jump up ^ Douthat, Ross 2011. The New Yorker and Francis Schaeffer. New York Times. Published August 29, 2011. Retrieved September 11, 2011.
138.Jump up ^ Carter, Joe, 2011. A Journalism Lesson for the New Yorker. First Things. Published August 10, 2011. Retrieved August 19, 2011.
139.Jump up ^ Pierce, Jeremy, 2011. Dominionismists. First Things. Published August 14, 2011. Retrieved September 8, 2011.
140.Jump up ^ Berlet, Chip, 2005. The Christian Right, Dominionism, and Theocracy. Retrieved September 25, 2007.
141.Jump up ^ Ellis Henican, "A spiritual olive branch for the far-right faithful," Newsday, May 1, 2005. Reposted at YuricaReport.com. Retrieved September 23, 2006
142.Jump up ^ Diamond, Sara. 1995. "Dominion Theology." Z Magazine, February 1995
143.Jump up ^ "Pastors: Christian government not Jesus’ cause". Independentmail.com. February 10, 2007. Retrieved December 26, 2011.
144.Jump up ^ February 12, 2007, The State, Columbia, SC "Pastors don’t embrace movement"
145.Jump up ^ Sherkat, D. E., and C. G. Ellison. 2007. Structuring the religion-environment connection: identifying religious influences on environmental concern and activism. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 46:71-85.
146.Jump up ^ Peterson, M. N., and J. Liu. 2008. Impacts of religion on environmental worldviews: the Teton Valley case. Society and Natural Resources 21:704-718.
147.Jump up ^ Geiko Müller-Fahrenholz, America's battle for God: a European Christian looks at civil religion (2007) p xviii
148.Jump up ^ Curtis, Patriotism, Democracy, and Common Sense (2005) p 126
149.Jump up ^ "Harper reopens same-sex marriage debate". CBC TV. November 30, 2005. Retrieved February 29, 2008.
150.Jump up ^ "Harper declares same-sex marriage issue closed". CTV. December 7, 2006. Retrieved February 29, 2008.
151.Jump up ^ Alan J. Day, Political parties of the world (2002) p 343
152.Jump up ^ Andrew Vincent, Modern Political Ideologies. John Wiley & Sons, 2009. ISBN 1405154950 (p. 325).
153.Jump up ^ Richard P. Davis, Mirror Hate: the Convergent Ideology of Northern Ireland paramilitaries, 1966-1992. Dartmouth, 1994. ISBN 1855215586 . (p.80)
154.Jump up ^ Karen Armstrong, A History of God: the 4000-year quest of Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. Ballantine Books, 1994 p. 390.
155.Jump up ^ Fred Nile, Fred Nile: Autobiography (Sydney: Strand Publishing: 2001) ISBN 1-876825-79-0
156.Jump up ^ Nadal, Kevin (2011). Filipino American Psychology: A Handbook of Theory, Research, and Clinical Practice. John Wiley & Sons. p. 42. ISBN 9781118019771. Retrieved 22 August 2014.
157.Jump up ^ Alan J. Day, Political parties of the world (2002) p 449
158.Jump up ^ "Constitution Party National Platform". Constitution Party.com. 2012. Retrieved September 15, 2012.
References[edit]
Williams, Daniel K. (2010), God's Own Party, Oxford, 372 pages, ISBN 9780195340846
Further reading[edit]
Boston, Rob. 2000. Close Encounters with the Religious Right: Journeys into the Twilight Zone of Religion and Politics. Prometheus Books. ISBN 978-1-57392-797-0
Boyd, James H., Politics and the Christian Voter
Brown, Ruth Murray (2002). For a "Christian America": A History of the Religious Right. Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books. ISBN 1-573-92973-5.
Bruns, Roger A. 2002. Preacher: Billy Sunday and Big-Time American Evangelism. University of Illinois Press. ISBN 978-0-252-07075-4
Diamond, Sara. 1995. Roads to Dominion: Right-Wing Movements and Political Power in the United States. New York: Guilford. ISBN 0-89862-864-4. an attack from the left
Gloege, Timothy. 2015. Guaranteed Pure: The Moody Bible Institute, Business, and the Making of Modern Evangelicalism. The University of North Carolina Press. ISBN 1469621010
Green, John C., James L. Guth and Kevin Hill. 1993. “Faith and Election: The Christian right in Congressional Campaigns 1978–1988.” The Journal of Politics 55(1), (February): 80–91.
Green, John C. "The Christian Right and the 1994 Elections: A View from the States," PS: Political Science and Politics Vol. 28, No. 1 (Mar. 1995), pp. 5-8 in JSTOR
Himmelstein, Jerome L. 1990. To The Right: The Transformation of American Conservatism. University of California Press.
Kruse, Kevin M. One Nation Under God: How Corporate America Invented Christian America. Basic Books, 2015. ISBN 0465049494
Marsden, George. Understanding Fundamentalism and Evangelicalism.
Martin, William. 1996. With God on Our Side: The Rise of the Religious Right in America, New York: Broadway Books. ISBN 0-7679-2257-3
Micklethwait, John; Wooldridge, Adrian (2004). The Right Nation: Conservative Power in America. New York, NY: Penguin Books. ISBN 1-59420-020-3.
Noll, Mark. 1989. Religion and American Politics: From the Colonial Period to the 1980s.
Noll, Mark and Rawlyk, George: Amazing Grace: Evangelicalism in Australia, Canada, Britain, Canada and the United States: Montreal: McGill-Queens University Press: 1994: ISBN 0-7735-1214-4
Ribuffo, Leo P. 1983. The Old Christian right: The Protestant Far Right from the Great Depression to the Cold War. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. ISBN 0-87722-598-2.
Shields, Jon A., “Framing the Christian Right: How Progressives and Post-War Liberals Constructed the Religious Right,” Journal of Church and State, 53 (Autumn 2011), 635–55.
Smith, Jeremy Adam, 2007, Living in the Gap: The Ideal and Reality of the Christian Right Family. Public Eye magazine, Winter 2007–08.
Wald, Kenneth. 2003. Religion and Politics in the United States.
Wilcox, Clyde. Onward Christian Soldiers: The Religious Right in American Politics. survey by two neutral scholars
Williams, Daniel K. (2010). God’s Own Party: The Making of the Christian Right. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-534084-6. Retrieved September 17, 2010.
Wills, Garry (1990). Under God: Religion and American Politics. New York: Simon & Schuster. ISBN 0-671-65705-4.


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 The examples and perspective in this article deal primarily with the United States and do not represent a worldwide view of the subject. Please improve this article and discuss the issue on the talk page. (February 2015)
Christian right or religious right is a term used in the United States to describe right-wing Christian political factions that are characterized by their strong support of socially conservative policies. Christian conservatives principally seek to apply their understanding of the teachings of Christianity to politics and public policy by proclaiming the value of those teachings or by seeking to use those teachings to influence law and public policy.[1]
In the U.S., the Christian right is an informal coalition formed around a core of evangelical Protestants and Catholics.[2][3][4] The Christian right draws additional support from politically conservative mainline Protestants, Jews, and Mormons.[2][5] The movement has its roots in American politics going back as far as the 1940s and has been especially influential since the 1970s.[6][7] Their influence draws, in part, from grassroots activism as well as their focus on social issues and ability to motivate the electorate around those issues.[8] The Christian right is notable today for advancing socially conservative positions on issues including school prayer, intelligent design, stem cell research,[9] homosexuality,[10] contraception, abortion,[11] and pornography.[12]
Although the Christian right is usually associated with the U.S., similar movements have been a key factor in the politics of Canada, the Netherlands, Northern Ireland and Australia, among others.


Contents  [hide]
1 Terminology
2 History 2.1 Ability to organize 2.1.1 Grassroots activism
2.1.2 Political leaders and institutions

3 Institutions in the United States 3.1 National organizations
3.2 Partisan activity of churches
3.3 Electoral activity
3.4 Education
3.5 Media
4 Views 4.1 Education
4.2 Evolution
4.3 Sexual education
4.4 Homeschooling
4.5 Politics 4.5.1 Role of government
4.5.2 Separation of Church and State
4.5.3 Economics
4.5.4 The Middle East
4.6 Abortion and contraception
4.7 Biotechnology
4.8 Sex and sexuality
5 Criticism 5.1 Interpretation of Christianity
5.2 Race and diversity
5.3 LGBT rights
5.4 Use of Dominionism Labeling
6 Environment
7 Movements outside the United States 7.1 Canada
7.2 The Netherlands
7.3 Other countries
8 Associated minor political parties
9 See also
10 Notes
11 References
12 Further reading

Terminology[edit]
The Christian right is "also known as the New Christian Right (NCR) or the Religious Right", although some consider the religious right to be "a slightly broader category than Christian Right".[6][13]
John C. Green of the Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life states that Jerry Falwell used the label religious right to describe himself. Gary Schneeberger, vice president of media and public relations for Focus on the Family, states that "[t]erms like 'religious right' have been traditionally used in a pejorative way to suggest extremism. The phrase 'socially conservative evangelicals' is not very exciting, but that's certainly the way to do it."[14]
Evangelical leaders like Tony Perkins of the Family Research Council have called attention to the problem of equating the term "Christian right" with evangelicals. Although evangelicals constitute the core constituency of the Christian right, not all evangelicals fit the description. The problem of description is further complicated by the fact that religious conservative may refer to other groups. Mennonites and the Amish, for example, are theologically conservative, however there are no overtly political organizations associated with these denominations.
History[edit]



Jerry Falwell, whose founding of the Moral Majority was a key step in the formation of the "New Christian Right"
The Christian right has been a notable force in both the Republican party and American politics since the late 1970s, when Baptist pastor Jerry Falwell and other Christian leaders began to urge conservative Christians to involve themselves in the political process. In response to the rise of the Christian right, the 1980 Republican Party platform assumed a number of its positions, including dropping support for the Equal Rights Amendment and adding support for a restoration of school prayer. While the platform also opposed abortion[6][7][15] and leaned towards restricting taxpayer funding for abortions and passing a constitutional amendment which would restore protection of the right to life for unborn children,[15] it also accepted that many Americans, including fellow Republicans, were divided on the issue.[15] Since about 1980, the Christian right has been associated with several institutions including the Moral Majority, the Christian Coalition, Focus on the Family and the Family Research Council.[16][17]
While the influence of the Christian right is typically traced to the 1980 Presidential election, Daniel K. Williams argues in God's Own Party that it had actually been involved in politics for most of the twentieth century. He also notes that the Christian right had previously been in alliance with the Republican Party in the 1940s through 1960s on matters such as opposition to communism and defending "a Protestant-based moral order."[18]
Into the 1960 election, Catholics and evangelicals worked against each other, as evangelicals mobilized their forces to defeat Catholics Al Smith in 1928 and John F. Kennedy in 1960.[19] Secularization came to be seen by Protestants as the biggest threat to Christian values, however,[20] and by the 1980s Catholic bishops and evangelicals had begun to work together on issues such as abortion.[4][21][22]
The alienation of Southern Democrats from the Democratic Party contributed to the rise of the right, as the counterculture of the 1960s provoked fear of social disintegration. In addition, as the Democratic Party became identified with a pro-choice position on abortion and with nontraditional societal values, social conservatives joined the Republican Party in increasing numbers.[23]
In 1976, U.S. President Jimmy Carter received the support of the Christian right largely because of his much-acclaimed religious conversion. However, Carter's spiritual transformation did not compensate for his liberal policies in the minds of Christian conservatives, as reflected in Jerry Falwell's criticism that "Americans have literally stood by and watched as godless, spineless leaders have brought our nation floundering to the brink of death."[24]
Ability to organize[edit]
The contemporary Christian right became increasingly vocal and organized in reaction to a series of United States Supreme Court decisions, most notably Bob Jones University v. Simon and Bob Jones University v. United States. It has also engaged in battles over pornography, obscenity, abortion, state sanctioned prayer in public schools, textbook contents (concerning creationism), homosexuality, and sexual education. It was long believed that the Supreme Court's decision to make abortion a Constitution-protected right in the 1973 Roe v Wade ruling was the driving force behind the New Christian Right Movement's rise in the 1970s.[25] Despite the large grassroots campaigns that were organized by the movement to protest the Roe decision, comments made by senior figures, including the movement's chief architect Paul Weyrich, have suggested that the New Christian Right Movement's rise was not centered around the issue of abortion, but rather Bob Jones University's refusal to comply with the Supreme Court's 1971 Green v. Connally ruling that permitted the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) to collect penalty taxes from private religious schools that violated federal laws.[25] Biblical scholar and Religious Right critic Randall Balmer alleged that discussions he had with various New Christian Right Movement activists in the years following Roe v. Wade showed that there was widespread reluctance within the movement to push for new laws which would outlaw all forms of abortion.[25]



 Demonstrators at the 2004 March for Life in Washington D.C.
In Thy Kingdom Come, Balmer recounted comments that Weyrich made at a conference sponsored by a Religious Right organization, that they both attended in Washington in 1990:[25]
“ In the course of one of the sessions, Weyrich tried to make a point to his Religious Right brethren (no women attended the conference, as I recall). Let's remember, he said animatedly, that the Religious Right did not come together in response to the Roe decision. No, Weyrich insisted, what got us going as a political movement was the attempt on the part of the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) to rescind the tax-exempt status of Bob Jones University because of its racially discriminatory policies. ”
Bob Jones University, a private, non-denominational Protestant university located in Greenville, South Carolina, had policies that refused black students enrollment until 1971,[25] admitted only married blacks from 1971 to 1975,[25] and prohibited interracial dating and marriage between 1975 and 2000.[25] In the 1974 Bob Jones University v. Simon case, the US Supreme Court further enforced the Green decision and ruled that the IRS could penalize the University for enforcing segregation policies. The following year, the IRS sought to penalize Bob Jones University for refusing to allow interracial dating.[25] During this time, Weyrich organized a campaign to defend the University and alleged that various social issues that were deemed immoral by various religious conservatives justified the need to end federal intervention in religious schools.[25] As Balmer recalled:[25]
“ During the following break in the conference proceedings, I cornered Weyrich to make sure I had heard him correctly. He was adamant that, yes, the 1975 action by the IRS against Bob Jones University was responsible for the genesis of the Religious Right in the late 1970s. What about abortion? After mobilizing to defend Bob Jones University and its racially discriminatory policies, Weyrich said, these evangelical leaders held a conference call to discuss strategy. He recalled that someone suggested that they had the makings of a broader political movement—something that Weyrich had been pushing for all along—and asked what other issues they might address. Several callers made suggestions, and then, according to Weyrich, a voice on the end of one of the lines said, "How about abortion?" And that is how abortion was cobbled into the political agenda of the Religious Right. ”
Grassroots activism[edit]
Much of the Christian right's power within the American political system is attributed to their extraordinary turnout rate at the polls. The voters that coexist in the Christian right are also highly motivated and driven to get out a viewpoint on issues they care about. As well as high voter turnout, they can be counted on to attend political events, knock on doors and distribute literature. Members of the Christian right are willing to do the electoral work needed to see their candidate elected. Because of their high level of devotion, the Christian right does not need to monetarily compensate these people for their work.[8][26]
Political leaders and institutions[edit]
Led by Robert Grant advocacy group Christian Voice, Jerry Falwell's Moral Majority, Ed McAteer's Religious Roundtable Council, James Dobson's Focus on the Family, Paul Weyrich's Free Congress Foundation[27] and Pat Robertson's Christian Broadcasting Network, the new Religious Right combined conservative politics with evangelical and fundamentalist teachings.[16] The birth of the New Christian right, however, is usually traced to a 1979 meeting where televangelist Jerry Falwell was urged to create a "Moral Majority" organization.[17][28] In 1979, Weyrich was in a discussion with Falwell when he remarked that there was a "moral majority" of Americans ready to be called to political action.[27] Weyrich later recalled in a 2007 interview with the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel that after he mentioned the term "moral majority," Falwell "turned to his people and said, 'That's the name of our organization.' "[27]
Weyrich would then engineer a strong union between the Republican Party and many culturally conservative Christians.[27] Soon, Moral Majority became a general term for the conservative political activism of evangelists and fundamentalists such as Pat Robertson, James Robinson, and Jerry Falwell.[24] Howard Schweber, Professor at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, writes that "in the past two decades", "Catholic politicians have emerged as leading figures in the religious conservative movement."[3]
Institutions in the United States[edit]
 Wikinews has related news: Vanity Fair contributing editor Craig Unger on the rise of the Christian right
National organizations[edit]
See also: Moral Majority, Christian Voice (USA), Christian Coalition of America, Eagle Forum and The Family (Christian political organization)
One early attempt to bring the Christian right into American politics began in 1974 when Dr. Robert Grant, an early movement leader, founded American Christian Cause to advocate Christian ideological teachings in Southern California. Concerned that Christians overwhelmingly voted for President Jimmy Carter in 1976, Grant expanded his movement and founded Christian Voice to rally Christian voters behind socially conservative candidates.
In the late 1980s Pat Robertson founded the Christian Coalition of America, building from his 1988 presidential run, with Republican activist Ralph Reed, who became the spokesman for the Coalition. In 1992, the national Christian Coalition, Inc., headquartered in Virginia Beach, Virginia, began producing voter guides, which it distributed to conservative Christian churches. Under the leadership of Reed and Robertson, the Coalition quickly became the most prominent voice in the conservative Christian movement, its influence culminating with an effort to support the election of a conservative Christian to the presidency in 1996. In addition, they have talked encouraged the convergence of conservative Christian ideology with political issues, such as healthcare, the economy, education and crime.[29]



 Focus on the Family's Visitor's Welcome Center in Colorado Springs, Colorado.
Political activists lobbied within the Republican party locally and nationally to influence party platforms and nominations.[30] More recently Dr. James Dobson's group Focus on the Family, based in Colorado Springs, and the Family Research Council in Washington D.C. have gained enormous respect from Republican lawmakers. While strongly advocating for these ideological matters, Dobson himself is more wary of the political spectrum and much of the resources of his group are devoted to other aims such as media.[31] However, as a private citizen, Dobson has stated his opinion on presidential elections; on February 5, 2008, Dobson issued a statement regarding the 2008 presidential election and his strong disappointment with the Republican party's candidates.[32]
In an essay written in 1996, Ralph Reed argued against the moral absolutist tone of Christian right leaders, arguing for the Republican Party Platform to stress the moral dimension of abortion rather than placing emphasis on overturning Roe v. Wade. Reed believes that pragmatism is the best way to advocate for the Christian right.[33]
Partisan activity of churches[edit]
Overtly partisan actions by churches could threaten their 501(c)(3) tax-exempt status due to the Johnson Amendment of the Internal Revenue Code.[34] In one notable example, the former pastor of the East Waynesville Baptist Church in Waynesville, North Carolina "told the congregation that anyone who planned to vote for Democratic Sen. John Kerry should either leave the church or repent".[35] The church later expelled nine members who had voted for Kerry and refused to repent, which led to criticism on the national level. The pastor resigned and the ousted church members were allowed to return.[36]
The Alliance Defense Fund started the Pulpit Freedom Initiative[37] in 2008. ADF states that "[t]he goal of Pulpit Freedom Sunday is simple: have the Johnson Amendment declared unconstitutional – and once and for all remove the ability of the IRS to censor what a pastor says from the pulpit."[38]
Electoral activity[edit]
See also: Family Research Council
Christian right organizations sometimes conduct polls to determine which presidential candidates will receive the support of Christian right constituents. One such poll is taken at the Family Research Council's Values Voter Summit.[39][40] George W. Bush's electoral success owed much to his overwhelming support from white evangelical voters, who comprise 23% of the vote. In 2000 he received 68% of the white evangelical vote; in 2004 that percentage rose to 78%.[41]
Education[edit]
The Home School Legal Defense Association was co-founded in 1983 by Michael Farris, who would later establish Patrick Henry College, and Michael Smith. This organization attempts to challenge laws that serve as obstacles to allowing parents to home-school their children and to organize the disparate group of homeschooling families into a cohesive bloc. The number of homeschooling families has increased in the last twenty years, and around 80 percent of these families identify themselves as evangelicals.[42]
The main universities associated with the Christian right are:
Bob Jones University — Protestant Fundamentalist university, founded in 1927.[43]
Media[edit]
See also: The 700 Club and Christian Broadcasting Network
The media has played a major role in the rise of the Christian right since the 1920s and has continued to be a powerful force for political Christianity today. The role of the media for the Religious right has been influential in its ability to connect Christian audiences to the larger American culture while at the same time bringing and keeping religion into play as both a political and a cultural force.[44] The political agenda of the Christian right has been disseminated to the public through a variety of media outlets including radio broadcasting, television, and literature.
Religious broadcasting began in the 1920s through the radio.[44] Between the 1950s and 1980s, TV became a powerful way for the Christian right to influence the public through shows such as Pat Robertson's The 700 Club and The Family Channel. The Internet has also helped the Christian right reach a much larger audience. Organization's websites play a strong role in popularising the Christian right's stances on cultural and political issues, and informed interested viewers on how to get involved. The Christian Coalition, for example, has used the Internet to inform the public, as well as to sell merchandise and gather members.[45]
Views[edit]
Education[edit]
The Christian right has strong opinions on how American children should be educated, most notably emphasising their support for Christian activities in public schools.
The Christian right strongly advocates for a system of educational choice, using a system of school vouchers, instead of public education. Vouchers would be government funded and could be redeemed for "a specified maximum sum per child per years if spent on approved educational services".[46] This method would allow parents to determine which school their child attends while relieving the economic burden associated with private schools. The concept is popular among constituents of church-related schools, including those affiliated with Roman Catholicism.
Evolution[edit]
See also: Creation and evolution in public education
The Christian right in the United States promotes the teaching of creationism and intelligent design as opposed to biological evolution.[47][48] The Christian right has not supported the teaching of evolution in the past, but it does not have the ability to stop it being taught in public schools as was done during the Scopes Trial in Dayton, Tennessee, in which a science teacher went on trial for teaching about the subject of evolution in a public school.[49]
The Discovery Institute, through their Intelligent design initiative called the Center for Science and Culture, has endorsed the teach the controversy approach. Such an approach would ensure that both the strengths and weaknesses of evolutionary theory were discussed in the curriculum.[50] This tactic was criticized by Judge John E. Jones III in Kitzmiller v. Dover Area School District, describing it as "at best disingenuous, and at worst a canard."[51]
The overwhelming majority of scientific research, both in the United States and elsewhere, has concluded that the theory of evolution, using the technical definition of the word theory, is the only explanation of the development of life, and an overwhelming majority of biologists strongly support its presentation in public school science classes.[52] Outside the United States, the Christian right have generally come to accept the theory of evolution.[53][54][55][56][57]
Sexual education[edit]
On the issue of sexual education in public schools, a spectrum of views exist within the Christian right. Some advocate removing sexual education from public schools, others support teaching abstinence until marriage, and still others advocate encouraging modesty[clarification needed] and chastity[clarification needed].
The Christian right has been successful in promoting abstinence-only curricula. 30 percent of America's sexual-education programs are abstinence based.[58] These programs promote abstinence until marriage as the only way to prevent pregnancy, sexually transmitted diseases and the emotional issues that could arise from sexual activity.[59] Numerous scientific, peer-reviewed studies show that such programs do not limit teen pregnancy over the long run.[60][61][62]
Homeschooling[edit]
The Christian right sees homeschooling and private schooling as a valid alternative to public education for parents who object to the content being taught at school. In recent years, the percentage of children being homeschooled has risen from 1.7% of the student population in 1999 to 2.2% in 2003.[63] Much of this increase has been attributed to the desire to incorporate Christian teachings into the curriculum.[64] In 2003, 72% of parents who homeschooled their children cited the ability to provide religious or moral instruction as the reason for removing their children from public schools.[65]
Politics[edit]
See also: Separation of church and state, Separation of church and state in the United States, Establishment Clause, Dominionism, Christian Reconstructionism and Theonomy
As a right-wing political movement, the Christian right is strongly opposed to left-wing ideologies such as socialism and the welfare state. Soviet-style Communism is sometimes seen as a threat to the Western Christian tradition.[66]
Role of government[edit]
The Christian Right supports small government, economic liberalism and fiscal conservatism. The Christian right generally believes that the government should not interfere with the natural operations of the marketplace or the workplace.[67] It promotes conservative interpretations of the Bible as the basis for moral values, and enforcing such values by legislation.
Separation of Church and State[edit]
The Christian right believes that separation of church and state is not explicit in the American Constitution, believing instead that such separation is a creation of what it claims are activist judges in the judicial system.[68][69][70] In the United States, the Christian right often supports their claims by asserting that the country was "founded by Christians as a Christian Nation."[71][72] Members of the Christian right take the position that the Establishment Clause bars the federal government from establishing or sponsoring a state church (e.g., the Church of England), but does not prevent the government from acknowledging religion. The Christian right points out that the term "separation of church and state" is derived from a letter written by Thomas Jefferson, not from the Constitution itself.[73][74][75] Furthermore, the Alliance Defense Fund takes the view that the concept of "separation of church and state" has been utilized by the American Civil Liberties Union and its allies to inhibit public acknowledgment of Christianity and restrict the religious freedoms of Christians.[76]
Thus, Christian right leaders have argued that the Establishment Clause does not prohibit the display of religion in the public sphere. Leaders therefore believe that public institutions should be allowed to display the Ten Commandments. This interpretation has been repeatedly rejected by the courts, which have found that such displays violate the Establishment Clause.[dubious – discuss][citation needed] Public officials though are prohibited from using their authority in which the primary effect is "advancing or prohibiting religion", according to the Lemon Supreme Court test, and there cannot be an "excessive entanglement with religion" and the government.[77] Some, such as Bryan Fischer of the American Family Association, argue that the First Amendment, which specifically restricts Congress, applies only to the Congress and not the states. This position rejects the incorporation of the Bill of Rights.[78]
Generally, the Christian right supports the presence of religious institutions within government and the public sphere, and advocates for fewer restrictions on government funding for religious charities and schools.
Economics[edit]
Early American fundamentalists, such as John R. Rice[79][80] often favoured laissez-faire economics and were outspoken critics of the New Deal and later the Great Society.[79] The contemporary Christian right supports economic conservative policies such as tax cuts and social conservative policies such as child tax credits.[81]
The Middle East[edit]
The Religious Right has given very strong support to the state of Israel in recent decades, encouraging support for Israel in the United States government.[82] Some have linked Israel to Biblical prophesies; for example, Ed McAteer, founder of the Moral Majority, said "I believe that we are seeing prophecy unfold so rapidly and dramatically and wonderfully and, without exaggerating, makes me breathless."[83]
Abortion and contraception[edit]
See also: Bioethics and Family values


 This section needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (July 2011)
The Christian right opposes abortion, believing that life begins at conception and that abortion is murder. Therefore, those in the movement have worked toward the overturning of Roe v. Wade, and have also supported incremental steps to make abortion less available. Such efforts include bans on late-term abortion (including intact dilation and extraction),[84] prohibitions against Medicaid funding and other public funding for elective abortions, removal of taxpayer funding for Planned Parenthood and other organizations that provide abortion services, legislation requiring parental consent or notification for abortions performed on minors,[85] legal protections for unborn victims of violence, legal protections for infants born alive following failed abortions, and bans on abortifacient medications.
The Christian right contends that morning-after pills such as Plan B and Ella are possible abortifacients, able to interfere with a fertilized egg's implantation in the uterine wall.[86] The labeling mandated by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) for Plan B and Ella state that they may interfere with implantation, but according to a June 2012, New York Times article, many scientists believe that they work only by interfering with ovulation and are arguing to have the implantation language removed from product labels. The Christian right maintains that the chemical properties of morning-after pills make them abortifacients and that the politics of abortion is influencing scientific judgments. Jonathan Imbody of the Christian Medical Association says he questions “whether ideological considerations are driving these decisions."[86]
Biotechnology[edit]
Due to the Christian right's views regarding ethics and to an extent due to negative views of eugenics common to most ideologies in North America, it has worked for the regulation and restriction of certain applications of biotechnology. In particular, the Christian right opposes therapeutic and reproductive human cloning, championing a 2005 United Nations ban on the practice,[87] and human embryonic stem cell research, which involves the extraction of one or more cells from a human embryo.[9] The Christian right supports research with adult stem cells, amniotic stem cells, and induced pluripotent stem cells which don't utilise cells from human embryos, as they view the harvesting of biological material from an embryo lacking the ability to give permission as an assault on a living being.
The Christian right also opposes euthanasia, and, in one highly publicized case, took an active role in seeking governmental intervention to prevent Terri Schiavo from being deprived of nutrition and hydration.
Sex and sexuality[edit]
The modern roots of the Christian right's views on sexual matters were evident in the 1950s, a period in which many Christian conservatives in the United States viewed sexual promiscuity as not only excessive, but in fact as a threat to their ideal vision of the country.[10]:30 Beginning in the 1970s, conservative Christian protests against promiscuity began to surface, largely as a reaction to the "permissive sixties" and an emerging prominence of sexual rights arising from Roe v Wade and the gay rights movement. The Christian right proceeded to make sexuality issues a priority political cause.[10]:28
The Christian right champions itself as the "self-appointed conscience of American society". During the 1980s, the movement was largely dismissed by political pundits and mainstream religious leaders as "a collection of buffoonish has-beens". Later, it re-emerged, better organized and more focused, taking firm positions against abortion, pornography, sexual deviency, and feminism.[12][88]:4
Influential Christian right organizations at the forefront of the anti-gay rights movement in the United States include Focus on the Family, Family Research Council and the Family Research Institute.[10]:15–16 An important stratagem in Christian right anti-gay politics is in its rejection of "the edicts of a Big Brother" state, allowing it to profit from "a general feeling of discontent and demoralization with government". As a result, the Christian right has endorsed smaller government, restricting its ability to arbitrate in disputes regarding values and traditions. In this context, gay rights laws have come to symbolize the government's allegedly unconstitutional "[interference] with individual freedom".[10]:170–171
The central tenets of Focus on the Family and similar organizations, such as the Family Research Council, emphasise issues such as abortion and the necessity of gender roles. A number of organizations, including the New Christian Right, "have in various ways rejected liberal America in favor of the regulation of pornography, anti-abortion legislation, the criminalization of homosexuality, and the virtues of faithfulness and loyalty in sexual partnerships", according to sociologist Bryan Turner.[11]
A large number of the Christian right view same-sex marriage as a central issue in the culture wars, more so than other gay rights issues and even more significantly than abortion.[88]:57[dubious – discuss] The legalization of same-sex marriage in 2004 changed the Christian right, causing it to put its opposition to these marriages above most other issues. It also created previously unknown interracial and ecumenical coalitions, and stimulated new electoral activity in pastors and congregations.[88]:58
Criticism[edit]
Criticisms of the Christian right come from many people who call for a caring and connected society focused on social responsibility and social justice. Theologian Michael Lerner has summarized:

The unholy alliance of the Political Right and the Religious Right threatens to destroy the America we love. It also threatens to generate a revulsion against God and religion by identifying them with militarism, ecological irresponsibility, fundamentalist antagonism to science and rational thought, and insensitivity to the needs of the poor and the powerless.[89]
Interpretation of Christianity[edit]
Further information: Christian left
One argument questioning the legitimacy of the Christian right is that Jesus Christ may be considered a leftist on the modern political spectrum. Jesus' concern with the poor and feeding the hungry, among other things, are core attributes of modern-day Socialism and opposition to the social disparity viewed by those on the right-wing as inevitable or favourable.[90][91][92]
Some criticize what they see as a politicization of Christianity because they say Jesus transcends our political concepts.[93][94][95]
Mikhail Gorbachev referred to Jesus as "the first Socialist".[96][97]
Race and diversity[edit]
The conclusions of a review of 112 studies on Christian faith and ethnic prejudice were summarized by a study in 1980 as being that "white Protestants associated with groups possessing fundamentalist belief systems are generally more prejudiced than members of non-fundamentalist groups, with unchurched whites exhibiting least prejudice."[98] The original review found that its conclusions held "regardless of when the studies were conducted, from whom the data came, the region where the data were collected, or the type of prejudice studied."[99] More recently in 2003, eight studies have found a positive correlation between fundamentalism and prejudice, using different measures of fundamentalism.[100]
A number of prominent members of the Christian right, including Jerry Falwell and Rousas John Rushdoony, have in the past supported segregation, with Falwell arguing in a 1958 sermon that integration will lead to the destruction of the white race.[101][102]
In Thy Kingdom Come, Randall Balmer recounts comments that Paul M. Weyrich, whom he describes as "one of the architects of the Religious Right in the late 1970s", made at a conference, sponsored by a Religious Right organization, that they both attended in Washington in 1990:[103]

In the course of one of the sessions, Weyrich tried to make a point to his Religious Right brethren (no women attended the conference, as I recall). Let's remember, he said animatedly, that the Religious Right did not come together in response to the Roe decision. No, Weyrich insisted, what got us going as a political movement was the attempt on the part of the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) to rescind the tax-exempt status of Bob Jones University because of its racially discriminatory policies.
—Paul M. Weyrich
Bob Jones University had policies that refused black students enrollment until 1971, and admitted only married blacks from 1971 to 1975. The university continued to forbid interracial dating until 2000.[104] In an interview with The Politico, University of Virginia theologian Charles Marsh, author of Wayward Christian Soldiers and the son of a Southern Baptist minister, stated:[105]

As someone who grew up in Mississippi and Alabama during the civil rights movement, … my reading is that the conservative Christian movement never was able to distinguish itself from the segregationist movement, and that is one of the reasons I find so much of the rhetoric familiar — and unsettling.
By the end of the civil rights movement, the way was set for this marriage of the Republican Party and conservative Christians. … At the Neshoba County Fair in Mississippi in 1980, (Ronald) Reagan's statement "I am for states' rights" was a remarkable moment in the conservative South. The Southern way of life was affirmed and then deftly grafted into national conservative politics.
LGBT rights[edit]
Whilst the Christian right in the United States is making a tough stand against the progression of LGBT rights, other Christians have taken a more lighthearted approach towards the matter, arguing that the biblical texts only oppose specific types of divergent sexual behaviour, such as paederasty (i.e. the sodomising of young boys by older men).[106][107][108][109]
Use of Dominionism Labeling[edit]
Main article: Dominionism
Some social scientists have used the word "dominionism" to refer to adherence to Dominion Theology[110][111][112] as well as to the influence in the broader Christian Right of ideas inspired by Dominion Theology.[110] Although such influence (particularly of Reconstructionism) has been described by many authors,[17][113] full adherents to Reconstructionism are few and marginalized among conservative Christians.[17][114][115] In the early 1990s, sociologist Sara Diamond[28][116] defined dominionism in her Ph.D. dissertation as a movement that, while including Dominion Theology and Reconstructionism as subsets, is much broader in scope, extending to much of the Christian Right.[117] She was followed by journalists including Frederick Clarkson[118][119] and Chris Hedges[120][121][122] and others who have stressed the influence of Dominionist ideas on the Christian right.[123][124][125][126][127][128][129][130][131][132]
The terms "dominionist" and "dominionism" are rarely used for self-description, and their usage has been attacked from several quarters. Journalist Anthony Williams charged that its purpose is "to smear the Republican Party as the party of domestic Theocracy, facts be damned."[133] Stanley Kurtz labeled it "conspiratorial nonsense," "political paranoia," and "guilt by association",[134] and decried Hedges' "vague characterizations" that allow him to "paint a highly questionable picture of a virtually faceless and nameless 'Dominionist' Christian mass."[135] Kurtz also complained about a perceived link between average Christian evangelicals and extremism such as Christian Reconstructionism:

The notion that conservative Christians want to reinstitute slavery and rule by genocide is not just crazy, it's downright dangerous. The most disturbing part of the Harper's cover story (the one by Chris Hedges) was the attempt to link Christian conservatives with Hitler and fascism. Once we acknowledge the similarity between conservative Christians and fascists, Hedges appears to suggest, we can confront Christian evil by setting aside 'the old polite rules of democracy.' So wild conspiracy theories and visions of genocide are really excuses for the Left to disregard the rules of democracy and defeat conservative Christians — by any means necessary.[134]
Lisa Miller of Newsweek said that many warnings about "dominionism" are "paranoid" and that "the word creates a siege mentality in which 'we' need to guard against 'them.'"[136] Ross Douthat of the New York Times noted that "many of the people that writers like Diamond and others describe as 'dominionists' would disavow the label, many definitions of dominionism conflate several very different Christian political theologies, and there’s a lively debate about whether the term is even useful at all."[137] According to Joe Carter of First Things, "the term was coined in the 1980s by Diamond and is never used outside liberal blogs and websites. No reputable scholars use the term for it is a meaningless neologism that Diamond concocted for her dissertation,"[138] while Jeremy Pierce of First Things coined the word "dominionismist" to describe those who promote the idea that there is a dominionist conspiracy.[139]
Other criticism has focused on the proper use of the term. Berlet wrote that "some critics of the Christian Right have stretched the term dominionism past its breaking point,"[140] and argued that, rather than labeling conservatives as extremists, it would be better to "talk to these people" and "engage them."[141] Sara Diamond wrote that "[l]iberals' writing about the Christian Right's take-over plans has generally taken the form of conspiracy theory", and argued that instead one should "analyze the subtle ways" that ideas like Dominionism "take hold within movements and why."[142]
Dan Olinger, a professor at the fundamentalist Bob Jones University in Greenville said, “We want to be good citizens and participants, but we’re not really interested in using the iron fist of the law to compel people to everything Christians should do.”[143] Bob Marcaurelle, interim pastor at Mountain Springs Baptist Church in Piedmont, said the Middle Ages were proof enough that Christian ruling groups are almost always corrupted by power. “When Christianity becomes the government, the question is whose Christianity?” Marcaurelle asked.[144]
Environment[edit]
[icon] This section requires expansion. (February 2015)
According to some social science research, Christians and members of the Christian right are typically less concerned about issues of environmental responsibility than the general public.[145][146]
Movements outside the United States[edit]
While the Christian Right is a strong movement in the United States, it has a presence as well in Canada. There is nothing quite like it in Europe.[147] Alan Curtis suggests that the Christian right "is a phenomenon that is very hard for Europeans to understand."[148]
Canada[edit]
Main article: Conservatism in Canada
See also: Abortion in Canada and Same-sex marriage in Canada
Religion has been a key factor in Canadian politics since well before Canadian Confederation in 1867, when the Conservatives were the party of traditionalist Catholics and Anglicans and the Liberals were the party of Protestant dissenters and anti-clerical Catholics. This pattern largely remained until the mid-twentieth century when a new division emerged between the Christian left (represented by the Social Gospel philosophy and ecumenicism) and the Christian right (represented by fundamentalism and biblical literalism). The Christian left (along with the secular and anti-religious left) became supporters of the New Democratic Party while the right moved to the Social Credit Party, especially in Western Canada, and to a lesser extent the Progressive Conservatives.
The Social Credit Party, founded in 1935 represented a major change in Canadian religious politics. Until that time, fundamentalists had shunned politics as "worldly", and a distraction from the proper practice of religion. However, the new party was founded by fundamentalist radio preacher and Bible school teacher William Aberhart or "Bible Bill". Aberhart mixed his own interpretation of scripture and prophecy with the monetary reform theories of social credit to create a movement that swept across Alberta, winning the provincial election of 1935 in a landslide. Aberhart and his disciple Ernest Manning then governed the province for the next forty years, several times trying to expand into the rest of Canada. In 1987 Manning's son, Preston Manning, founded the new Reform Party of Canada, which soon became the main party of the religious right. It won majorities of the seats in Western Canada in repeated elections, but was unable to break through in Eastern Canada, though it became the official opposition from 1997 to 2003 (Reform was renamed the Canadian Alliance in 2000). In 2003 the Canadian Alliance and the Progressive Conservatives merged to create the Conservative Party of Canada, led by Stephen Harper, a member of the Christian and Missionary Alliance, who went on to become prime minister in 2006.
Canada has had a Charter of Rights and Freedoms since the Canadian Constitution was patriated in 1982. As a result, there have been major changes in the law's application to issues that bear on individual and minority group rights. Abortions were completely decriminalized after two R. v. Morgentaler cases (in 1988 and in 1993). A series of provincial superior court decisions allowing same-sex marriage led the federal government to introduce legislation that introduced same sex marriage in all of Canada. The current prime minister, Stephen Harper and his Conservative Party of Canada, stated before taking office that he would hold a free vote on the issue,[149] but declared the issue closed after a vote in the Canadian House of Commons in 2006.[150]
The Netherlands[edit]
In the Netherlands Calvinist Protestants have long had their own political parties, now called the Reformed Political Party (SGP) on the right, and the ChristianUnion (CU) in the center. For generations they operated their own newspapers and broadcasting association. The SGP has about 28,000 members, and three members of parliament, of the 150. It has always been in opposition to the government.[151] The SGP has helped the Dutch government to get laws through the Second Chamber 2010-2012. In exchange that government did not increase the number of Sundays on which shopping is allowed.
Other countries[edit]
In Northern Ireland, the Reverend Ian Paisley led a Protestant fundamentalist party, the Democratic Unionist Party, which had a considerable influence on the province's culture.[152][153] Karen Armstrong has mentioned English evangelical leader Colin Urquhart as advocating positions similar to the Christian Right.[154] Some of the members of the Conservative Party also support some of the values of the Christian right.
In Australia, fundamentalist Christianity is the base for Fred Nile and his Christian Democratic Party as well as the Family First Party. Nile in 1967-68 was Assistant Director of the Billy Graham Crusade in Sydney. Both parties promote social conservatism, opposing gay rights and abortion.[155] Some party members of the Liberal and National Party Coalition and the Australian Labor Party also support some of the values of the Christian right on abortion and gay rights.
In the Philippines, due to Spanish colonization, and the introduction of the Catholic Church, religious conservatism has a strong influence on national policies.[156]
The Swiss Federal Democratic Union is a small conservative Protestant party with about 1% of the vote.[157]
In Scandinavia, the Centre Party is a bible-oriented fundamentalist party; it has about 4% of the votes in the Faroe Islands. However, the Norwegian Christian People's Party, the Swedish Christian Democrats and Danish Christian Democrats are less religiously orthodox and are similar to mainstream European Christian Democracy.
The Christian right has a strong position in several Conservative parties worldwide, although many members of these parties would also, paradoxically, strongly oppose such views.
Associated minor political parties[edit]
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Some minor political parties have formed as vehicles for Christian right activists:
Christian Democratic Party (Australia)
Christian Party of Austria (Austria)
Christian Electoral Community (Austria)
Christian Heritage Party (Canada)
Party of Bible-abiding Christians (Germany)
Reformed Political Party (Netherlands)
The Christians (Norway)
Christian Unity Party (Norway)
Federal Democratic Union (Switzerland)
Christian Party (United Kingdom)
Constitution Party (United States)[158]
See also[edit]

Portal icon Christianity portal
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American Center for Law & Justice
Bible Belt (Netherlands)
Bible Belt
Campaign Life Coalition
Chalcedon Foundation
Social conservatism
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Religious right (disambiguation)
Save Our Children
Theoconservatism
Contrast: Christian left, Secular left, Secular right
Notes[edit]
1.Jump up ^ Sociology: understanding a diverse society Margaret L. Andersen, Howard Francis Taylor , Cengage Learning, 2005 ISBN 978-0-534-61716-5, ISBN 978-0-534-61716-5
2.^ Jump up to: a b Deckman, Melissa Marie (2004). School Board Battles: The Christian Right in Local Politics. Georgetown University Press. p. 48. ISBN 9781589010017. Retrieved April 10, 2014. "More than half of all Christian right candidates attend evangelical Protestant churches, which are more theologically liberal. A relatively large number of Christian Right candidates (24 percent) are Catholics; however, when asked to describe themselves as either "progressive/liberal" or "traditional/conservative" Catholics, 88 percent of these Christian right candidates place themselves in the traditional category."
3.^ Jump up to: a b Schweber, Howard. "The Catholicization of the American Right". The Huffington Post. Retrieved February 24, 2012. "In the past two decades, the American religious Right has become increasingly Catholic. I mean that both literally and metaphorically. Literally, Catholic writers have emerged as intellectual leaders of the religious right in universities, the punditocracy, the press, and the courts, promoting an agenda that at its most theoretical involves a reclamation of the natural law tradition of Thomas Aquinas and at its most practical involves appeals to the kind of common-sense, "everybody knows," or "it just is" arguments that have characterized opposition to same-sex marriage ... Meanwhile, in the realm of actual politics, Catholic politicians have emerged as leading figures in the religious conservative movement."
4.^ Jump up to: a b Melissa Marie Deckman. School Board Battles: the Christian right in Local Politics. Georgetown University Press. "Indeed, such significant Christian Right leaders such as Pat Buchanan and Paul Weyrich are conservative Catholics."
5.Jump up ^ Smith, David Whitten; Burr, Elizabeth Geraldine (2007). Understanding World Religions: A Road Map for Justice and Peace. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 106.
6.^ Jump up to: a b c Encyclopedia of Religion and Society
7.^ Jump up to: a b Williams, Daniel K. (2010). God's Own Party: The Making of the Christian Right. New York: Oxford University Press. pp. 1, 2. ISBN 9780195340846.
8.^ Jump up to: a b John C. Green and Mark Silk, "Why Moral Values Did Count," Religion in the News, Spring 2005, http://www.trincoll.edu/depts/csrpl/RINVol8No1/WhyMoral%20ValuesDidCount.htm
9.^ Jump up to: a b "U-M: 6 new stem cell lines available for research". Associated Press. June 14, 2012.
10.^ Jump up to: a b c d e Herman, Didi (1997). The Antigay Agenda: Orthodox Vision and the Christian Right. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. ISBN 0-226-32764-7.  – via Questia (subscription required)
11.^ Jump up to: a b Petersen, David L. (2005). "Genesis and Family Values". Journal of Biblical Literature 124 (1).  – via Questia (subscription required)
12.^ Jump up to: a b Kaplan, George R. (May 1994). "Shotgun Wedding: Notes on Public Education's Encounter with the New Christian Right". Phi Delta Kappan 75 (9).  – via Questia (subscription required)
13.Jump up ^ Grant Wacker
14.Jump up ^ Sarah Pulliam: Phrase 'Religious Right' Misused, Conservatives Say Christianity Today (Web-only), February 12, 2009.
15.^ Jump up to: a b c Republican Party Platform of 1980
16.^ Jump up to: a b Jerome Himmelstein, p. 97; Spiritual Warfare: The Politics of the Religious Right, p.49–50, Sara Diamond, South End Press, Boston, MA
17.^ Jump up to: a b c d Martin, William (1996). With God on Our Side: The Rise of the Religious Right in America. New York: Broadway Books. ISBN 0-553-06745-1.
18.Jump up ^ Williams 2010, p. 3
19.Jump up ^ Shaun Casey, The making of a Catholic president: Kennedy vs. Nixon 1960 (2009) pp. 3-11, 107-18
20.Jump up ^ Williams 2010, p. 5
21.Jump up ^ Joel D. Aberbach; Gillian Peele. Crisis of Conservatism?: The Republican Party, the Conservative Movement, and American Politics After Bush. Oxford University Press.
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79.^ Jump up to: a b "[Rice] melded politics and religion in a way that made it very clear what side of any political issue he believed God was on.God had been very clearly opposed to the New Deal "socialism" of Franklin Roosevelt, and God was equally opposed to the Great Society "socialism" of Lyndon Baines Johnson". Andrew Himes, The Sword of the Lord: The Roots of Fundamentalism in an American Family Chiara Press, 2011 ISBN 1453843752, (p.271).
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97.Jump up ^ Marvin Olasky: The Tragedy of American Compassion passim. Washington D.C. 1992.
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100.Jump up ^ Altemeyer and Hunsberger (1992); Wylie and Forest, (1992); Hunsberger, (1996); Jackson and Esses, (1997); Hunsberger, Owusu and Duck, (1999); Laythe et al., (2001); Altemeyer, (2003)), cited in The Psychology of Religion, Third Edition: An Empirical Approach (2003), Spilka et al., p466
101.Jump up ^ http://www.salon.com/news/feature/2006/01/09/justice_sunday/, Michelle Goldberg, Salon.com
102.Jump up ^ Avenging angel of the religious right, Max Blumenthal, Salon.com
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104.Jump up ^ [Susannah Meadows, "Passing the Torch at Bob Jones U." Newsweek Web Exclusive [MSNBC link expired], January 29, 2005, hard copy at Fundamentalism File, Mack Library, BJU.
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107.Jump up ^ Equality for Gays and Lesbians
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109.Jump up ^ [7][dead link]
110.^ Jump up to: a b Barron, Bruce. 1992. Heaven on Earth? The Social & Political Agendas of Dominion Theology. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Zondervan. ISBN 0-310-53611-1.
111.Jump up ^ Davis, Derek H. and Hankins, Barry, 2003. New Religious Movements and Religious Liberty in America, Baylor University Press.
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113.Jump up ^ Berlet, Chip and Matthew N. Lyons. 2000. Right-Wing Populism in America: Too Close for Comfort. New York: Guilford Press.
114.Jump up ^ Diamond, Sara, 1998. Not by Politics Alone: The Enduring Influence of the Christian Right, New York: Guilford Press, p.213.
115.Jump up ^ Ortiz, Chris 2007. "Gary North on D. James Kennedy", Chalcedon Blog, September 6, 2007.
116.Jump up ^ Diamond, Sara. 1989. Spiritual Warfare: The Politics of the Christian Right. Boston: South End Press.
117.Jump up ^ In her early work, Diamond sometimes used the term dominion theology to refer to this broader movement, rather than to the specific theological system of Reconstructionism.
118.Jump up ^ Clarkson, Frederick, 1994. Christian Reconstructionism: Theocratic Dominionism Gains Influence", The Public Eye 8, Nos. 1 & 2, March/June 1994.
119.Jump up ^ Clarkson, Frederick. 1997. Eternal Hostility: The Struggle Between Theocracy and Democracy. Monroe, Maine: Common Courage. ISBN 1-56751-088-4
120.Jump up ^ The Christian Right and the Rise of American Fascism By Chris Hedges, TheocracyWatch.
121.Jump up ^ Hedges, Chris (May 2005). "Feeling the hate with the National Religious Broadcasters". Harper's. Retrieved April 11, 2007.
122.Jump up ^ Hedges, Chris, American Fascists: The Christian Right and the War on America, Free Press, 2006.
123.Jump up ^ Goldberg, Michelle 2006. Kingdom Coming: The Rise of Christian Nationalism. New York: W. W. Norton. ISBN 0-393-06094-2 (10). ISBN 978-0-393-06094-2 (13).
124.Jump up ^ Phillips, Kevin 2006. American Theocracy: The Peril and Politics of Radical Religion, Oil, and Borrowed Money in the 21st century ISBN 0-670-03486-X
125.Jump up ^ McCarraher, Eugene 2006. "Empire Falls", Commonweal 133(9), May 5, 2006.
126.Jump up ^ Yurica, Katherine 2004. "The Despoiling of America" published February 11, 2004. Retrieved October 3, 2007. And also published in Toward a New Political Humanism, Edited by Barry F. Seidman and Neil J. Murphy, Prometheus Books, New York, 2004.
127.Jump up ^ Yurica, Katherine 2004. Blood Guilty Churches, January 19, 2005. Retrieved October 6, 2007.
128.Jump up ^ Yurica, Katherine 2005. Yurica Responds to Stanley Kurtz Attack, May 23, 2005. Retrieved October 6, 2007.
129.Jump up ^ Maddox, Marion 2005. God under Howard: The Rise of the Religious Right in Australian Politics, Allen & Unwin.
130.Jump up ^ Rudin, James 2006. The Baptizing of America: The Religious Right's Plans for the Rest of Us, New York: Thunder's Mouth Press.
131.Jump up ^ Harris, Sam 2007. "God's dupes", Los Angeles Times, March 15, 2007. Retrieved October 8, 2007.
132.Jump up ^ "The Rise of the Religious Right in the Republican Party", TheocracyWatch, Last updated: December 2005; URL accessed May 8, 2006.
133.Jump up ^ Anthony Williams (May 4, 2005). ""Dominionist" Fantasies". FrontPage Magazine. Retrieved May 4, 2007.
134.^ Jump up to: a b Stanley Kurtz (May 2, 2005). "Dominionist Domination: The Left runs with a wild theory". National Review Online. Retrieved October 6, 2007.
135.Jump up ^ Stanley Kurtz (April 28, 2005). "Scary Stuff". National Review Online. Retrieved October 6, 2007.
136.Jump up ^ Miller, Lisa, 2011. 'Dominionism' beliefs among conservative Christians overblown. Newsweek. Published August 18, 2011. Retrieved September 8, 2011.
137.Jump up ^ Douthat, Ross 2011. The New Yorker and Francis Schaeffer. New York Times. Published August 29, 2011. Retrieved September 11, 2011.
138.Jump up ^ Carter, Joe, 2011. A Journalism Lesson for the New Yorker. First Things. Published August 10, 2011. Retrieved August 19, 2011.
139.Jump up ^ Pierce, Jeremy, 2011. Dominionismists. First Things. Published August 14, 2011. Retrieved September 8, 2011.
140.Jump up ^ Berlet, Chip, 2005. The Christian Right, Dominionism, and Theocracy. Retrieved September 25, 2007.
141.Jump up ^ Ellis Henican, "A spiritual olive branch for the far-right faithful," Newsday, May 1, 2005. Reposted at YuricaReport.com. Retrieved September 23, 2006
142.Jump up ^ Diamond, Sara. 1995. "Dominion Theology." Z Magazine, February 1995
143.Jump up ^ "Pastors: Christian government not Jesus’ cause". Independentmail.com. February 10, 2007. Retrieved December 26, 2011.
144.Jump up ^ February 12, 2007, The State, Columbia, SC "Pastors don’t embrace movement"
145.Jump up ^ Sherkat, D. E., and C. G. Ellison. 2007. Structuring the religion-environment connection: identifying religious influences on environmental concern and activism. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 46:71-85.
146.Jump up ^ Peterson, M. N., and J. Liu. 2008. Impacts of religion on environmental worldviews: the Teton Valley case. Society and Natural Resources 21:704-718.
147.Jump up ^ Geiko Müller-Fahrenholz, America's battle for God: a European Christian looks at civil religion (2007) p xviii
148.Jump up ^ Curtis, Patriotism, Democracy, and Common Sense (2005) p 126
149.Jump up ^ "Harper reopens same-sex marriage debate". CBC TV. November 30, 2005. Retrieved February 29, 2008.
150.Jump up ^ "Harper declares same-sex marriage issue closed". CTV. December 7, 2006. Retrieved February 29, 2008.
151.Jump up ^ Alan J. Day, Political parties of the world (2002) p 343
152.Jump up ^ Andrew Vincent, Modern Political Ideologies. John Wiley & Sons, 2009. ISBN 1405154950 (p. 325).
153.Jump up ^ Richard P. Davis, Mirror Hate: the Convergent Ideology of Northern Ireland paramilitaries, 1966-1992. Dartmouth, 1994. ISBN 1855215586 . (p.80)
154.Jump up ^ Karen Armstrong, A History of God: the 4000-year quest of Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. Ballantine Books, 1994 p. 390.
155.Jump up ^ Fred Nile, Fred Nile: Autobiography (Sydney: Strand Publishing: 2001) ISBN 1-876825-79-0
156.Jump up ^ Nadal, Kevin (2011). Filipino American Psychology: A Handbook of Theory, Research, and Clinical Practice. John Wiley & Sons. p. 42. ISBN 9781118019771. Retrieved 22 August 2014.
157.Jump up ^ Alan J. Day, Political parties of the world (2002) p 449
158.Jump up ^ "Constitution Party National Platform". Constitution Party.com. 2012. Retrieved September 15, 2012.
References[edit]
Williams, Daniel K. (2010), God's Own Party, Oxford, 372 pages, ISBN 9780195340846
Further reading[edit]
Boston, Rob. 2000. Close Encounters with the Religious Right: Journeys into the Twilight Zone of Religion and Politics. Prometheus Books. ISBN 978-1-57392-797-0
Boyd, James H., Politics and the Christian Voter
Brown, Ruth Murray (2002). For a "Christian America": A History of the Religious Right. Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books. ISBN 1-573-92973-5.
Bruns, Roger A. 2002. Preacher: Billy Sunday and Big-Time American Evangelism. University of Illinois Press. ISBN 978-0-252-07075-4
Diamond, Sara. 1995. Roads to Dominion: Right-Wing Movements and Political Power in the United States. New York: Guilford. ISBN 0-89862-864-4. an attack from the left
Gloege, Timothy. 2015. Guaranteed Pure: The Moody Bible Institute, Business, and the Making of Modern Evangelicalism. The University of North Carolina Press. ISBN 1469621010
Green, John C., James L. Guth and Kevin Hill. 1993. “Faith and Election: The Christian right in Congressional Campaigns 1978–1988.” The Journal of Politics 55(1), (February): 80–91.
Green, John C. "The Christian Right and the 1994 Elections: A View from the States," PS: Political Science and Politics Vol. 28, No. 1 (Mar. 1995), pp. 5-8 in JSTOR
Himmelstein, Jerome L. 1990. To The Right: The Transformation of American Conservatism. University of California Press.
Kruse, Kevin M. One Nation Under God: How Corporate America Invented Christian America. Basic Books, 2015. ISBN 0465049494
Marsden, George. Understanding Fundamentalism and Evangelicalism.
Martin, William. 1996. With God on Our Side: The Rise of the Religious Right in America, New York: Broadway Books. ISBN 0-7679-2257-3
Micklethwait, John; Wooldridge, Adrian (2004). The Right Nation: Conservative Power in America. New York, NY: Penguin Books. ISBN 1-59420-020-3.
Noll, Mark. 1989. Religion and American Politics: From the Colonial Period to the 1980s.
Noll, Mark and Rawlyk, George: Amazing Grace: Evangelicalism in Australia, Canada, Britain, Canada and the United States: Montreal: McGill-Queens University Press: 1994: ISBN 0-7735-1214-4
Ribuffo, Leo P. 1983. The Old Christian right: The Protestant Far Right from the Great Depression to the Cold War. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. ISBN 0-87722-598-2.
Shields, Jon A., “Framing the Christian Right: How Progressives and Post-War Liberals Constructed the Religious Right,” Journal of Church and State, 53 (Autumn 2011), 635–55.
Smith, Jeremy Adam, 2007, Living in the Gap: The Ideal and Reality of the Christian Right Family. Public Eye magazine, Winter 2007–08.
Wald, Kenneth. 2003. Religion and Politics in the United States.
Wilcox, Clyde. Onward Christian Soldiers: The Religious Right in American Politics. survey by two neutral scholars
Williams, Daniel K. (2010). God’s Own Party: The Making of the Christian Right. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-534084-6. Retrieved September 17, 2010.
Wills, Garry (1990). Under God: Religion and American Politics. New York: Simon & Schuster. ISBN 0-671-65705-4.


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Christian fundamentalism

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Christian fundamentalism began in the late 19th- and early 20th-century among British and American Protestants[1][2] as a reaction to theological liberalism and cultural modernism. Fundamentalists argued that 19th century modernist theologians had misinterpreted or rejected certain doctrines, especially biblical inerrancy, that they viewed as the fundamentals of Christian faith.[3] A few scholars regard Catholics who reject modern theology in favor of more traditional doctrines as fundamentalists.[4] Scholars debate how much the terms "evangelical" and "fundamentalist" are synonymous.[5]
Interpretations of the fundamentalist movement have changed over time.[6] Fundamentalism is a movement manifested in various denominations with various theologies, rather than a single denomination or systematic theology. It became active in the 1910s after the release of the Fundamentals, a twelve-volume set of essays, apologetic and polemic, written by conservative Protestant theologians to defend what they saw as Protestant orthodoxy. The movement became more organized in the 1920s within U.S. Protestant churches, especially Baptist and Presbyterian. Many such churches adopted a "fighting style" and combined Princeton theology with Dispensationalism.[2] Since 1930, many fundamentalist churches in North America and around the world have been represented by the Independent Fundamental Churches of America (renamed IFCA International in 1996), which holds to biblical inerrancy, the virgin birth of Jesus, substitutionary atonement, the literal resurrection of Christ, and the Second Coming of Christ, among other doctrines.


Contents  [hide]
1 Terminology
2 Origins 2.1 Evangelicalism
2.2 Dispensationalism
2.3 Princeton Theology (biblical inerrancy)
2.4 The Fundamentals and modernism
3 Changing interpretations
4 In North America 4.1 In the United States 4.1.1 Evolution
4.1.2 Christian right
4.1.3 Neo-evangelicalism
4.2 In Canada
5 Catholic fundamentalism
6 Criticism
7 See also
8 Bibliography 8.1 Primary sources
9 References
10 External links

Terminology[edit]
The term fundamentalism was coined by Baptist editor Curtis Lee Laws in 1920 to designate Christians who were ready "to do battle royal for the Fundamentals". The term was quickly adopted by all sides. Laws borrowed it from the title of a series of essays published between 1910 and 1915 called The Fundamentals: A Testimony to the Truth. The term "Fundamentalism" entered the English language in 1922, and is often capitalized when referring to the religious movement.[1]
The term fundamentalist is controversial in the 21st century, as it can carry the connotation of religious extremism, even though it was coined by movement leaders. Some who hold these beliefs reject the label of "fundamentalism", seeing it as too pejorative,[7] while to others it has become a banner of pride. Such Christians prefer to use the term fundamental, as opposed to fundamentalist (e.g., Independent Fundamental Baptist and Independent Fundamental Churches of America).[8] The term is sometimes confused with Christian legalism.[9][10]
Origins[edit]
Fundamentalism came from multiple streams in British and American theology of the 19th century.[11]
Evangelicalism[edit]
The first important stream was Evangelicalism as it emerged in the revivals of the First Great Awakening and Second Great Awakening in America and the Methodism movement in England in the period 1730-1840. They in turn had been influenced by the Pietism movement in Germany. Church historian Randall Balmer explains that:
"Evangelicalism itself, I believe, is a quintessentially North American phenomenon, deriving as it did from the confluence of Pietism, Presbyterianism, and the vestiges of Puritanism. Evangelicalism picked up the peculiar characteristics from each strain – warmhearted spirituality from the Pietists (for instance), doctrinal precisionism from the Presbyterians, and individualistic introspection from the Puritans – even as the North American context itself has profoundly shaped the various manifestations of evangelicalism: fundamentalism, neo-evangelicalism, the holiness movement, Pentecostalism, the charismatic movement, and various forms of African-American and Hispanic evangelicalism.[12]
Dispensationalism[edit]
A second stream was Dispensationalism, a new interpretation of the Bible developed in the 1830s in England. Darby's ideas were disseminated by the notes and commentaries in the widely used Scofield Reference Bible, published in 1909. Dispensationalism was a millenarian theory that divided all of time into seven different stages, called "dispensations", which were seen as stages of God's revelation. At the end of each stage, according to this theory, God punished humanity for having been found wanting in God's testing. Secularism, liberalism, and immorality in the 1920s were believed to be signs that humanity had again failed God's testing. Dispensationalists believed that the world was on the verge of the last stage, where a final battle will take place at Armageddon, followed by Christ's return and 1,000 year reign.[13]
Princeton Theology (biblical inerrancy)[edit]
Main article: Princeton Theology
See also: Biblical inerrancy and Biblical literalism
A third stream was Princeton Theology, which responded to higher criticism of the Bible by developing from the 1840s to 1920 the doctrine of inerrancy. This doctrine, also called biblical inerrancy, stated that the Bible was divinely inspired, religiously authoritative, and without error.[14][15] The Princeton Seminary professor of Theology Charles Hodge insisted that the Bible was inerrant because God dictated its contents to the men who wrote it. Princeton theologians believed that the Bible should be read differently from any other historical document, and also that Christian modernism and liberalism led people to hell just like non-Christian religions.[13]
Biblical inerrancy was a particularly significant rallying point for fundamentalists.[16] This approach to the Bible is associated with conservative evangelical hermeneutical approaches to Scripture ranging from the historical-grammatical method to biblical literalism.[17]
The Fundamentals and modernism[edit]
Main article: The Fundamentals
A fourth stream—the immediate spark—was the 12-volume study The Fundamentals, published 1910-1915.[18] Sponsors subsidized the free distribution of over three million individual volumes to clergy, laymen and libraries. This version[19] stressed several core beliefs, including:
The inerrancy of the Bible
The literal nature of the Biblical accounts, especially regarding Christ's miracles and the Creation account in Genesis
The Virgin Birth of Christ
The bodily resurrection and physical return of Christ
The substitutionary atonement of Christ on the cross
Like Princeton Theology, The Fundamentals reflected growing opposition among many evangelical Christians towards higher criticism of the Bible and modernism.
Changing interpretations[edit]
The interpretations given the fundamentalist movement have changed over time, with most older interpretations being based on the concepts of social displacement or cultural lag.[6] Some in the 1930s, including H. Richard Niebuhr, understood the conflict between fundamentalism and modernism to be part of a broader social conflict between the cities and the country.[6] In this view the fundamentalists were country and small-town dwellers who were reacting against the progressivism of city dwellers.[6] Fundamentalism was seen as a form of anti-intellectualism during the 1950s; in the early 1960s Richard Hofstadter interpreted it in terms of status anxiety.[6]
Beginning in the late 1960s the movement began to be seen as "a bona fide religious, theological and even intellectual movement in its own right."[6] Instead of interpreting fundamentalism as a simple anti-intellectualism, Paul Carter argued that "fundamentalists were simply intellectual in a way different than their opponents."[6] Moving into the 1970s, Earnest R. Sandeen saw fundamentalism as arising from the confluence of Princeton Theology and millennialism.[6]
George Marsden defined fundamentalism as "militantly anti-modernist Protestant evangelicalism" in his 1980 work Fundamentalism and American Culture.[6] "Militant" in this sense does not mean "violent", it means "aggressively active in a cause".[20] Marsden saw fundamentalism arising from a number of preexisting evangelical movements that responded to various perceived threats by joining forces.[6] He argued that Christian fundamentalists were American evangelical Christians who in the 20th century opposed "both modernism in theology and the cultural changes that modernism endorsed. Militant opposition to modernism was what most clearly set off fundamentalism."[21] Others viewing militancy as a core characteristic of the fundamentalist movement include Philip Melling, Ung Kyu Pak and Ronald Witherup.[22][23][24] Donald McKim and David Wright (1992) argue that "in the 1920s, militant conservatives (fundamentalists) united to mount a conservative counter-offensive. Fundamentalists sought to rescue their denominations from the growth of modernism at home."[25]
According to Marsden, recent scholars differentiate "fundamentalists" from "evangelicals" by arguing the former were more militant and less willing to collaborate with groups considered "modernist" in theology. In the 1940s the more moderate faction of fundamentalists maintained the same theology but began calling themselves "evangelicals" to stress their less militant position.[26] Roger Olson (2007) identifies a more moderate faction of fundamentalists, which he calls "postfundamentalist", and says "most postfundamentalist evangelicals do not wish to be called fundamentalists, even though their basic theological orientation is not very different." According to Olson, a key event was the formation of the National Association of Evangelicals (NAE) in 1942.[27] Barry Hankins (2008) has a similar view, saying "beginning in the 1940s....militant and separatist evangelicals came to be called fundamentalists, while culturally engaged and non-militant evangelicals were supposed to be called evangelicals."[28]
Timothy Weber views fundamentalism as "a rather distinctive modern reaction to religious, social and intellectual changes of the late 1800s and early 1900s, a reaction that eventually took on a life of its own and changed significantly over time."[6]
In North America[edit]
Fundamentalist movements existed in most North American Protestant denominations by 1919 following attacks on modernist theology in Presbyterian and Baptist denominations. Fundamentalism was especially controversial among Presbyterians.[29]
In the United States[edit]
 Wikisource has original text related to this article:
The Doctrinal Statement of the World Conference on Christian Fundamentals 1919

A leading organizer of the Fundamentalist campaign against modernism in the United States was William Bell Riley, a Northern Baptist based in Minneapolis, where his Northwestern Bible and Missionary Training School (1902), Northwestern Evangelical Seminary (1935), and Northwestern College (1944) produced thousands of graduates. At a large conference in Philadelphia in 1919, Riley created the World Christian Fundamentals Association (WCFA), which became the chief interdenominational fundamentalist organization in the 1920s. Although the fundamentalist drive of the 1920s to take control of the major Protestant denominations failed at the national level, the network of churches and missions fostered by Riley shows the movement was growing in strength, especially in the U.S. South. Both rural and urban in character, the flourishing movement acted as a denominational surrogate and fostered a militant evangelical Christian orthodoxy. Riley was president of WCFA until 1929, after which the WFCA faded in importance.[30] The Independent Fundamental Churches of America became a leading association of U.S. fundamentalist churches upon its founding in 1930.



 J. Gresham Machen Memorial Hall
Much of the enthusiasm for mobilizing fundamentalism came from Christian seminaries and Christian "Bible colleges" in the United States. Two leading fundamentalist seminaries were the Dispensationalist Dallas Theological Seminary, founded in 1924 by Lewis Sperry Chafer, and the Reformed Westminster Theological Seminary, formed in 1929 under the leadership and funding of former Princeton Theological Seminary professor J. Gresham Machen.[31] Many Bible colleges were modeled after the Moody Bible Institute in Chicago. Dwight Moody was influential in preaching the imminence of the Kingdom of God that was so important to Dispensationalism.[32] Bible colleges prepared ministers who lacked college or seminary experience with intense study of the Bible, often using the Scofield Reference Bible of 1909, a King James Version Bible with detailed notes interpreting passages from a Dispensational perspective.
Although U.S. fundamentalism began in the North, the movement's greatest popular strength was in the South, especially among Southern Baptists, where individuals (and sometimes entire churches) left the convention to join other Baptist denominations perceived as "more conservative" or to join the Independent Baptist movement. By the late 1920s the national media had identified it with the South, largely ignoring manifestations elsewhere.[33] By the 1970s Christian fundamentalism was deeply entrenched and concentrated in the U.S. South. In 1972–1980 General Social Surveys, 65 percent of respondents from the "East South Central" region (comprising Tennessee, Kentucky, Mississippi, and Alabama) self-identified as fundamentalist. The share of fundamentalists was at or near 50 percent in "West South Central" (Texas to Arkansas) and "South Atlantic" (Florida to Maryland), and at 25 percent or below elsewhere in the country, with the low of nine percent in New England. The pattern persisted into the 21st century; in 2006–2010 surveys, the average share of fundamentalists in the East South Central Region stood at 58 percent, while, in New England, it climbed slightly to 13 percent.[34]
Evolution[edit]
Many fundamentalists in the 1920s devoted themselves to fighting the teaching of evolution in the nation's schools and colleges, especially by passing state laws that affected public schools. William Bell Riley took the initiative in the 1925 Scopes Trial to bring in famed politician William Jennings Bryan as an assistant to the local prosecutor, who helped attract national media attention to the trial. In the half century after the Scopes Trial, fundamentalists had little success in shaping government policy, and generally were defeated in their efforts to reshape the mainline denominations, which refused to join fundamentalist attacks on evolution.[13] Particularly after the Scopes Trial, liberals saw a division between Christians in favor of the teaching of evolution, whom they viewed as educated and tolerant, and Christians against evolution, whom they viewed as narrow-minded, tribal, obscurantist.[35]
However Edwards (2000) challenges the consensus view among scholars that in the wake of the Scopes trial, fundamentalism retreated into the political and cultural background, a viewpoint evidenced in the movie "Inherit the Wind" and the majority of contemporary historical accounts. Rather, he argues, the cause of fundamentalism's retreat was the death of its leader, Bryan. Most fundamentalists saw the trial as a victory and not a defeat, but Bryan's death soon after created a leadership void that no other fundamentalist leader could fill. Bryan, unlike the other leaders, brought name recognition, respectability, and the ability to forge a broad-based coalition of fundamentalist religious groups to argue for the anti-evolutionist position.[36]
Gatewood (1969) analyzes the transition from the anti-evolution crusade of the 1920s to the creation science movement of the 1960s. Despite some similarities between these two causes, the creation science movement represented a shift from religious to scientific objections to Darwin's theory. Creation science also differed in terms of popular leadership, rhetorical tone, and sectional focus. It lacked a prestigious leader like Bryan, utilized scientific rather than religious rhetoric, and was a product of California and Michigan instead of the South.[37]
Webb (1991) traces the political and legal struggles between strict creationists and Darwinists to influence the extent to which evolution would be taught as science in Arizona and California schools. After Scopes was convicted, creationists throughout the United States sought similar antievolution laws for their states. These included Reverends R. S. Beal and Aubrey L. Moore in Arizona and members of the Creation Research Society in California, all supported by distinguished laymen. They sought to ban evolution as a topic for study, or at least relegate it to the status of unproven theory perhaps taught alongside the biblical version of creation. Educators, scientists, and other distinguished laymen favored evolution. This struggle occurred later in the Southwest than in other US areas and persisted through the Sputnik era.[38]
In recent times, the courts have heard cases on whether or not the Book of Genesis's creation account should be taught in science classrooms alongside evolution, most notably in the 2005 federal court case Kitzmiller v. Dover Area School District.[39] Creationism was presented under the banner of intelligent design, with the book Of Pandas and People being its textbook. The trial ended with the judge deciding that teaching intelligent design in a science class was unconstitutional as it was a religious belief and not science.[40]
The original fundamentalist movement divided along clearly defined lines within conservative evangelical Protestantism as issues progressed. Many groupings, large and small, were produced by this schism. Neo-evangelicalism, Reformed and Lutheran Confessionalism, the Heritage movement, and Paleo-Orthodoxy have all developed distinct identities, but none of them acknowledge any more than an historical overlap with the fundamentalist movement, and the term is seldom used of them. The broader term "evangelical" includes fundamentalists as well as people with similar or identical religious beliefs who do not engage the outside challenge to the Bible as actively.[41]
Christian right[edit]
Main article: Christian right
The latter half of the twentieth century witnessed a surge of interest in organized political activism by U.S. fundamentalists. Dispensational fundamentalists viewed the 1948 establishment of the state of Israel as an important sign of the fulfillment of biblical prophecy, and support for Israel became the centerpiece of their approach to U.S. foreign policy.[42] United States Supreme Court decisions also ignited fundamentalists' interest in organized politics, particularly Engel v. Vitale in 1962, which prohibited state-sanctioned prayer in public schools, and Abington School District v. Schempp in 1963, which prohibited mandatory Bible reading in public schools.[43] By the time Ronald Reagan ran for the presidency in 1980, fundamentalist preachers, like the prohibitionist ministers of the early 20th century, were organizing their congregations to vote for supportive candidates.[44]
Leaders of the newly political fundamentalism included Rob Grant and Jerry Falwell. Beginning with Grant's American Christian Cause in 1974, Christian Voice throughout the 1970s and Falwell's Moral Majority in the 1980s, the Christian Right began to have a major impact on American politics. In the 1980s and 1990s, the Christian Right was influencing elections and policy with groups such as the Family Research Council (founded 1981 by James Dobson) and the Christian Coalition (formed in 1989 by Pat Robertson) helping conservative politicians, especially Republicans to win state and national elections.[45]
Neo-evangelicalism[edit]
American evangelist Billy Graham came from a fundamentalist background, but parted company with that movement because of his choice, early in his ministry (1950s), to cooperate with other Christians.[46] Graham represents a movement that arose within fundamentalism, but has increasingly become distinct from it, known as neo-evangelicalism or New Evangelicalism (a term coined by Harold J. Ockenga, the "Father of New Evangelicalism").
In Canada[edit]
In Canada, Fundamentalism was less of a force,[47] but it had an aggressive leader in English-born Thomas Todhunter Shields (1873–1955), who led 80 churches out of the Baptist federation in Ontario in 1927 and formed the Union of regular Baptist churches of Ontario and Quebec. He was affiliated with the Baptist Bible Union, based in the United States. His newspaper, The Gospel Witness, reached 30,000 subscribers in 16 countries, giving him an international reputation. He was one of the founders of the international Council of Christian Churches.[48]
Oswald J. Smith (1889–1986), reared in rural Ontario and educated at Moody Church in Chicago, set up The Peoples Church in Toronto in 1928. A dynamic preacher and leader in Canadian fundamentalism, Smith wrote 35 books and engaged in missionary work worldwide. The reverend Billy Graham called him, "the greatest combination pastor, hymn writer, missionary statesman, an evangelist of our time".[49]
Catholic fundamentalism[edit]
Some scholars describe certain Catholics as fundamentalists. Such Catholics believe in a literal interpretation of Vatican declarations, particularly those pronounced by the Pope,[50][51][52] and believe that individuals who do not agree with the magisterium are condemned by God.[53] Martin E. Marty described Catholic fundamentalists as advocating mass in Latin and mandatory clerical celibacy while opposing ordination of women priests and dismissals of artificial birth control.[54] The Society of St. Pius X, a product of Marcel Lefebvre, is cited as a stronghold of Catholic fundamentalism.[55][56]
Criticism[edit]
Fundamentalists have been criticized for presenting God "more as a God of judgement and punishment than as a God of love and mercy".[57] Groups such as the ACLU have brought suit against fundamentalist attempts to teach creationism in public schools, as in the federal court case of Kitzmiller v. Dover Area School District.[58]
In the 1930s fundamentalism was viewed by many as a "last gasp" vestige of something in the past.[59] More recent scholarship has shifted away from that view.[6][60]
Confessional Lutheran churches reject the fundamentalist position and believe that all Biblical teachings are essential:

Are there some "non-essential" or "non-fundamental" teachings about which we can safely disagree? If they believe the answer is "yes," that in itself is already reason for alarm. The Bible teaches that no teachings of the Bible can safely be set aside. "Agreeing to disagree" is really not God-pleasing agreement.[61]
As, according to Lutheran apologists, Martin Luther said:

The doctrine is not ours, but God's, and we are called to be his servants. Therefore we cannot waver or change the smallest point of doctrine.[62]
See also[edit]
Bible believer
British Conservative Evangelicalism
Christian eschatological differences
Christian Reconstructionism
Christian right
Christian Zionism
Dominionism
Reformed Fundamentalism
Bibliography[edit]
Almond, Gabriel A., R. Scott Appleby, and Emmanuel Sivan, eds. (2003). Strong Religion: The Rise of Fundamentalisms around the World and text search
Armstrong, Karen (2001). The Battle for God. New York: Ballantine Books. ISBN 0-345-39169-1.
Ballmer, Randall (2nd ed 2004). Encyclopedia of Evangelicalism
Ballmer, Randall (2010). The Making of Evangelicalism: From Revivalism to Politics and Beyond, 120pp
Ballmer, Randall (2000). Blessed Assurance: A History of Evangelicalism in America
Beale, David O. (1986). In Pursuit of Purity: American Fundamentalism Since 1850. Greenville, SC: Bob Jones University (Unusual Publications). ISBN 0-89084-350-3.
Bebbington, David W. (1990). "Baptists and Fundamentalists in Inter-War Britain." In Keith Robbins, ed. Protestant Evangelicalism: Britain, Ireland, Germany and America c.1750-c.1950. Studies in Church History subsidia 7, 297–326. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, ISBN 0-631-17818-X.
Bebbington, David W. (1993). "Martyrs for the Truth: Fundamentalists in Britain." In Diana Wood, ed. Martyrs and Martyrologies, Studies in Church History Vol. 30, 417–451. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, ISBN 0-631-18868-1.
Barr, James (1977). Fundamentalism. London: SCM Press. ISBN 0-334-00503-5.
Caplan, Lionel (1987). Studies in Religious Fundamentalism. London: The MacMillan Press, ISBN 0-88706-518-X.
Carpenter, Joel A. (1999). Revive Us Again: The Reawakening of American Fundamentalism. Oxford University Press, ISBN 0-19-512907-5.
Cole, Stewart Grant (1931). The History of Fundamentalism, Greenwood Press ISBN 0-8371-5683-1.
Doner, Colonel V. (2012). Christian Jihad: Neo-Fundamentalists and the Polarization of America, Samizdat Creative
Elliott, David R. (1993). "Knowing No Borders: Canadian Contributions to Fundamentalism." In George A. Rawlyk and Mark A. Noll, eds. Amazing Grace: Evangelicalism in Australia, Britain, Canada and the United States. Grand Rapids: Baker. 349–374, ISBN 0-7735-1214-4.
Dollar, George W. (1973). A History of Fundamentalism in America. Greenville: Bob Jones University Press.
Hankins, Barry. (2008). American Evangelicals: A Contemporary History of A Mainstream Religious Movement, scholarly history excerpt and text search
Harris, Harriet A. (1998). Fundamentalism and Evangelicals. Oxford University. ISBN 0-19-826960-9.
Hart, D. G. (1998). "The Tie that Divides: Presbyterian Ecumenism, Fundamentalism and the History of Twentieth-Century American Protestantism." Westminster Theological Journal 60, 85–107.
Hughes, Richard Thomas (1988). The American quest for the primitive church 257pp excerpt and text search
Laats, Adam (Feb. 2010). "Forging a Fundamentalist 'One Best System': Struggles over Curriculum and Educational Philosophy for Christian Day Schools, 1970–1989," History of Education Quarterly, 50 (Feb. 2010), 55–83.
Longfield, Bradley J. (1991). The Presbyterian Controversy. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-508674-0.
Marsden, George M. (1995). "Fundamentalism as an American Phenomenon." In D. G. Hart, ed. Reckoning with the Past, 303–321. Grand Rapids: Baker.
Marsden; George M. (1980). Fundamentalism and American Culture. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-502758-2; the standard scholarly history (by a fundamentalist); excerpt and text search
Marsden, George M. (1991). Understanding Fundamentalism and Evangelicalism excerpt and text search
McCune, Rolland D. (1998). "The Formation of New Evangelicalism (Part One): Historical and Theological Antecedents." Detroit Baptist Seminary Journal, 3, 3–34.
McLachlan, Douglas R. (1993). Reclaiming Authentic Fundamentalism. Independence, Mo.: American Association of Christian Schools. ISBN 0-918407-02-8.
Noll, Mark (1992). A History of Christianity in the United States and Canada.. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Company. 311–389. ISBN 0-8028-0651-1.
Noll, Mark A., David W. Bebbington and George A. Rawlyk eds. (1994). Evangelicalism: Comparative Studies of Popular Protestantism in North America, the British Isles and Beyond, 1700–1990.
Rawlyk, George A., and Mark A. Noll, eds. (1993). Amazing Grace: Evangelicalism in Australia, Britain, Canada, and the United States.
Rennie, Ian S. (1994). "Fundamentalism and the Varieties of North Atlantic Evangelicalism." in Mark A. Noll, David W. Bebbington and George A. Rawlyk eds. Evangelicalism: Comparative Studies of Popular Protestantism in North America, the British Isles and Beyond, 1700–1990. New York: Oxford University Press. 333–364, ISBN 0-19-508362-8.
Russell, C. Allyn (1976), Voices of American Fundamentalism: Seven Biographical Studies, Philadelphia: Westminster Press, ISBN 0-664-20814-2
Ruthven, Malise (2007). Fundamentalism: A Very Short Introduction excerpt and text search
Sandeen, Ernest Robert (1970). The Roots of Fundamentalism: British and American Millenarianism, 1800–1930, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, ISBN 0-226-73467-6
Seat, Leroy (2007). Fed Up with Fundamentalism: A Historical, Theological, and Personal Appraisal of Christian Fundamentalism. Liberty, MO: 4-L Publications. ISBN 978-1-59526-859-4
Stackhouse, John G. (1993). Canadian Evangelicalism in the Twentieth Century
Trollinger, William V. (1991). God's Empire: William Bell Riley and Midwestern Fundamentalism excerpts and text search
Utzinger, J. Michael (2006). Yet Saints Their Watch Are Keeping: Fundamentalists, Modernists, and the Development of Evangelical Ecclesiology, 1887-1937, Macon: Mercer University Press, ISBN 0-86554-902-8
Witherup, Ronald D. S.S. (2001). Biblical Fundamentalism: What Every Catholic Should Know, 101pp excerpt and text search
Young, F. Lionel, III, (2005). "To the Right of Billy Graham: John R. Rice's 1957 Crusade Against New Evangelicalism and the End of the Fundamentalist-Evangelical Coalition." Th. M. Thesis, Trinity Evangelical Divinity School.
Primary sources[edit]
Hankins, Barr, ed. (2008). Evangelicalism and Fundamentalism: A Documentary Reader excerpt and text search
Torrey, R. A., Dixon, A. C., et al. (eds.) (1917). The Fundamentals: A Testimony to the Truth partial version at web.archive.org. Accessed 2011-07-26.
Trollinger, William Vance, Jr., ed. (1995). The Antievolution Pamphlets of William Bell Riley. (Creationism in Twentieth-Century America: A Ten-Volume Anthology of Documents, 1903-1961. Vol. 4.) New York: Garland, 221 pp. excerpt and text search
References[edit]
1.^ Jump up to: a b Fundamentalism at merriam-webster.com. Accessed 2011-07-28.
2.^ Jump up to: a b Marsden (1980), pp. 55-62, 118-23.
3.Jump up ^ Sandeen (1970), p. 6
4.Jump up ^ Hill, Brennan; Knitter, Paul F.; Madges, William. Faith, Religion & Theology: A Contemporary Introduction. Twenty-Third Publications. "Catholic fundamentalists, like their Protestant counterparts, fear that the church has abandoned the unchanging truth of past tradition for the evolving speculations of modern theology. They fear that Christian societies have replaced systems of absolute moral norms with subjective decision making and relativism. Like Protestant fundamentalists, Catholic fundamentalists propose a worldview that is rigorous and clear cut."
5.Jump up ^ Roger E. Olson (2004). The Westminster Handbook to Evangelical Theology. Westminster John Knox Press. pp. 3–6. summarizes the debate.
6.^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g h i j k l Reid, D. G., Linder, R. D., Shelley, B. L., & Stout, H. S. (1990). In Dictionary of Christianity in America. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press. Entry on Fundamentalism
7.Jump up ^ Robbins, Dale A. (1995). What is a Fundamentalist Christian?. Grass Valley, California: Victorious Publications. Retrieved 2009-12-01.
8.Jump up ^ Horton, Ron. "Christian Education at Bob Jones University". Greenville, South Carolina: Bob Jones University. Retrieved 2009-12-01.
9.Jump up ^ Wilson, William P. "Legalism and the Authority of Scripture". Retrieved 19 March 2010.
10.Jump up ^ Morton, Timothy S. "From Liberty to Legalism - A Candid Study of Legalism, "Pharisees," and Christian Liberty". Retrieved 19 March 2010.
11.Jump up ^ Sandeen (1970), ch 1
12.Jump up ^ Randall Balmer (2002). The Encyclopedia of Evangelicalism. Westminster John Knox Press. pp. vii–viii.
13.^ Jump up to: a b c Kee, Howard Clark; Emily Albu; Carter Lindberg; J. William Frost; Dana L. Robert (1998). Christianity: A Social and Cultural History. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall. p. 484. ISBN 0-13-578071-3.
14.Jump up ^ Marsden (1980), pp 109-118
15.Jump up ^ Sandeen (1970) pp 103-31
16.Jump up ^ Marsden, George M. (1995). Reforming Fundamentalism: Fuller Seminary and the New Evangelicalism. Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing. p. 118.
17.Jump up ^ Beyond Biblical Literalism and Inerrancy: Conservative Protestants and the Hermeneutic Interpretation of Scripture, John Bartkowski, Sociology of Religion, 57, 1996.
18.Jump up ^ Sandeen (1970) pp 188-207
19.Jump up ^ The Fundamentals A Testimony to the Truth
20.Jump up ^ "Militant" in Merriam Webster Third Unabridged Dictionary (1961) which cites "militant suffragist" and "militant trade unionism" as example.
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22.Jump up ^ Philip H. Melling, Fundamentalism in America: millennialism, identity and militant religion (1999). As another scholar points out, "One of the major distinctives of fundamentalism is militancy."
23.Jump up ^ Ung Kyu Pak, Millennialism in the Korean Protestant Church (2005) p. 211.
24.Jump up ^ Ronald D. Witherup, a Catholic scholar, says: "Essentially, fundamentalists see themselves as defending authentic Christian religion... The militant aspect helps to explain the desire of fundamentalists to become active in political change." Ronald D. Witherup, Biblical Fundamentalism: What Every Catholic Should Know (2001) p 2
25.Jump up ^ Donald K. McKim and David F. Wright, Encyclopedia of the Reformed faith (1992) p. 148
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28.Jump up ^ Barry Hankins, Francis Schaeffer and the shaping of Evangelical America (2008) p 233
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34.Jump up ^ "General Social Survey database".
35.Jump up ^ David Goetz, "The Monkey Trial". Christian History 1997 16(3): 10-18. 0891-9666; Burton W. Folsom, Jr. "The Scopes Trial Reconsidered." Continuity 1988 (12): 103-127. 0277-1446, by a leading conservative scholar
36.Jump up ^ Mark Edwards, "Rethinking the Failure of Fundamentalist Political Antievolutionism after 1925". Fides Et Historia 2000 32(2): 89-106. 0884-5379
37.Jump up ^ Willard B. Gatewood, Jr., ed. Controversy in the Twenties: Fundamentalism, Modernism, & Evolution (1969)
38.Jump up ^ George E. Webb, "The Evolution Controversy in Arizona and California: From the 1920s to the 1980s." Journal of the Southwest 1991 33(2): 133-150. 0894-8410. See also Christopher K. Curtis, "Mississippi's Anti-Evolution Law of 1926." Journal Of Mississippi History 1986 48(1): 15-29.
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40.Jump up ^ Wikisource:Kitzmiller v. Dover Area School District et al., H. Conclusion
41.Jump up ^ Harris, Harriet A. Fundamentalism and Evangelicals (2008) pp.39, 313.
42.Jump up ^ Aaron William Stone, Dispensationalism and United States foreign policy with Israel (2008) excerpt
43.Jump up ^ Bruce J. Dierenfield, The Battle over School Prayer (2007) p 236
44.Jump up ^ Oran Smith, The Rise of Baptist Republicanism (2000)
45.Jump up ^ Albert J. Menendez, Evangelicals at the Ballot Box (1996) pp 128-74
46.Jump up ^ Bob Jones University Drops Interracial Dating Ban | Christianity Today|A Magazine of Evangelical Conviction
47.Jump up ^ John G. Stackhouse, Canadian Evangelicalism in the Twentieth Century (1993)
48.Jump up ^ C. Allyn Russell, "Thomas Todhunter Shields: Canadian Fundamentalist," Foundations, 1981, Vol. 24 Issue 1, pp 15-31
49.Jump up ^ David R. Elliott, "Knowing No Borders: Canadian Contributions to American Fundamentalism," in George A. Rawlyk and Mark A. Noll, eds., Amazing Grace: Evangelicalism in Australia, Britain, Canada, and the United States (1993)
50.Jump up ^ Gerald A. Arbuckle. Violence, Society, and the Church: A Cultural Approach. Liturgical Press. p. 208.
51.Jump up ^ Richard P. McBrien. The HarperCollins Encyclopedia of Catholicism. HarperCollins. "fundamentalism, Catholic, the Catholic forms of religious fundamentalism, including especially an unhistorical and literal reading not of the Bible but also of the official teachings of the Church."
52.Jump up ^ Brennan Hill, Paul F. Knitter, William Madges. Faith, Religion & Theology: A Contemporary Introduction. Twenty-Third Publications. "Catholic fundamentalism also has its distinctive traits. Whereas Protestant fundamentalists invest absolute authority in the literal interpretation of Scripture, fundamentalist Catholics invest absolute authority in the literal interpretation of Vatican declarations and in the figure of the pope. In the words of Catholic theologian Thomas O'Meara, "creeping infallibility," that is, the belief that everything said by the pope or a Vatican congregation is incapable of error, accomplishes for Catholic fundamentalists what the biblical page does for Protestant fundamentalists."
53.Jump up ^ Brennan Hill, Paul F. Knitter, William Madges. Faith, Religion & Theology: A Contemporary Introduction. Twenty-Third Publications. "Catholic fundamentalists, like Protestant fundamentalists, stress the need for an absolute external authority to guide the thinking and decision making of the individual. They do so because of the sinfulness of the human person. Left to his or her own devices, the individual, they feel, will generally make bad judgements. Consequently, individual freedom must be directed by the right authority. In the case of Catholic fundamentalism, this means literal adherence fully to past tradition, or who have difficulty assenting to every official statement of the hierarchical magisterium, are judged harshly. Such sinners, say fundamentalists, are condemned by God."
54.Jump up ^ Brennan Hill, Paul F. Knitter, William Madges. Faith, Religion & Theology: A Contemporary Introduction. Twenty-Third Publications. "As Martin Marty has noted, Catholic fundamentalists may overlook-of course, without necessarily denying-the big "fundamentals" such as the Trinity. They will instead "select items that will 'stand out,' such as Mass in Latin, opposition to women priests, optional clerical celibacy, or support for dismissals of 'artificial birth control.'""
55.Jump up ^ Richard P. McBrien. The HarperCollins Encyclopedia of Catholicism. HarperCollins. "There are also fundamentalist communities ranging from the Lefebvre schism within the Catholic Church to movements of a dubious spirituality or to unapproved religious communities."
56.Jump up ^ Gerald A. Arbuckle. Violence, Society, and the Church: A Cultural Approach. Liturgical Press. p. 208. "Catholic fundamentalists belong to a particularly aggressive form of restorationism noted for...Concern for accidentals, not for the substance of issues, e.g., the Lefebvre sect stresses Latin for the Mass, failing to see that this does not pertain to authentic tradition. Attempts by fundamentalists groups, e.g., Opus Dei, to infiltrate governmental structures of the Church in order to obtain legitimacy for their views and to impose them on the whole Church."
57.Jump up ^ Brennan Hill, Paul F. Knitter, William Madges. Faith, Religion & Theology: A Contemporary Introduction. Twenty-Third Publications. "In fundamentalists circles, both Catholic and Protestant, God is often presented more as a God of judgement and punishment than as a God of love and mercy."
58.Jump up ^ http://www.aclu.org/religion-belief/victory-challenge-intelligent-design
59.Jump up ^ Parent, Mark (1998). Spirit Scapes: Mapping the Spiritual & Scientific Terrain at the Dawn of the New Millennium. Wood Lake Publishing Inc. p. 161. ISBN 9781770642959. Retrieved 2013-07-22. "By the beginning of the 1930s [...] fundamentalism appeared to be in disarray everywhere. Scholarly studies sprang up which claimed that fundamentalism was the last gasp of a dying religious order that was quickly vanishing."
60.Jump up ^ Hankins, Barry (2008). "'We're All Evangelicals Now': The Existential and Backward Historiography of Twentieth-Century Evangelicalism". In Harper, Keith. American Denominational History: Perspectives on the Past, Prospects for the Future. Religion & American Culture 68. University of Alabama Press. p. 196. ISBN 9780817355128. Retrieved 2013-07-22. "[...] in 1970 [...] Ernest Shandeen's The Roots of Fundamentalism [...] shifted the interpretation away from the view that fundamentalism was a last-gasp attempt to preserve a dying way of life."
61.Jump up ^ "Correct Churches". WELS Topical Q&A. Wisconsin Evangelical Lutheran Synod. Archived from the original on 27 Sep 2009. Retrieved 29 Jan 2015.
62.Jump up ^ What is the Lutheran Confessional Church?, by Lutheran Confessional Church
External links[edit]
 Wikimedia Commons has media related to Christian fundamentalism.
 Wikiquote has quotations related to: Fundamentalist Christianity
A. C. Dixon, Chicago Liberals and the Fundamentals by Gerald L. Priest
Christian Fundamentalism and the Media
Earliest Written Version of The Five Essentials
Fundamentalism Profile
The Fundamentals: A Testimony to the Truth Online version of "The Fundamentals", not complete at 2011-07-26.
WELS Topical Q&A: Essential Christian Doctrine (A Confessional Lutheran perspective)


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Christian fundamentalism

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Christian fundamentalism began in the late 19th- and early 20th-century among British and American Protestants[1][2] as a reaction to theological liberalism and cultural modernism. Fundamentalists argued that 19th century modernist theologians had misinterpreted or rejected certain doctrines, especially biblical inerrancy, that they viewed as the fundamentals of Christian faith.[3] A few scholars regard Catholics who reject modern theology in favor of more traditional doctrines as fundamentalists.[4] Scholars debate how much the terms "evangelical" and "fundamentalist" are synonymous.[5]
Interpretations of the fundamentalist movement have changed over time.[6] Fundamentalism is a movement manifested in various denominations with various theologies, rather than a single denomination or systematic theology. It became active in the 1910s after the release of the Fundamentals, a twelve-volume set of essays, apologetic and polemic, written by conservative Protestant theologians to defend what they saw as Protestant orthodoxy. The movement became more organized in the 1920s within U.S. Protestant churches, especially Baptist and Presbyterian. Many such churches adopted a "fighting style" and combined Princeton theology with Dispensationalism.[2] Since 1930, many fundamentalist churches in North America and around the world have been represented by the Independent Fundamental Churches of America (renamed IFCA International in 1996), which holds to biblical inerrancy, the virgin birth of Jesus, substitutionary atonement, the literal resurrection of Christ, and the Second Coming of Christ, among other doctrines.


Contents  [hide]
1 Terminology
2 Origins 2.1 Evangelicalism
2.2 Dispensationalism
2.3 Princeton Theology (biblical inerrancy)
2.4 The Fundamentals and modernism
3 Changing interpretations
4 In North America 4.1 In the United States 4.1.1 Evolution
4.1.2 Christian right
4.1.3 Neo-evangelicalism
4.2 In Canada
5 Catholic fundamentalism
6 Criticism
7 See also
8 Bibliography 8.1 Primary sources
9 References
10 External links

Terminology[edit]
The term fundamentalism was coined by Baptist editor Curtis Lee Laws in 1920 to designate Christians who were ready "to do battle royal for the Fundamentals". The term was quickly adopted by all sides. Laws borrowed it from the title of a series of essays published between 1910 and 1915 called The Fundamentals: A Testimony to the Truth. The term "Fundamentalism" entered the English language in 1922, and is often capitalized when referring to the religious movement.[1]
The term fundamentalist is controversial in the 21st century, as it can carry the connotation of religious extremism, even though it was coined by movement leaders. Some who hold these beliefs reject the label of "fundamentalism", seeing it as too pejorative,[7] while to others it has become a banner of pride. Such Christians prefer to use the term fundamental, as opposed to fundamentalist (e.g., Independent Fundamental Baptist and Independent Fundamental Churches of America).[8] The term is sometimes confused with Christian legalism.[9][10]
Origins[edit]
Fundamentalism came from multiple streams in British and American theology of the 19th century.[11]
Evangelicalism[edit]
The first important stream was Evangelicalism as it emerged in the revivals of the First Great Awakening and Second Great Awakening in America and the Methodism movement in England in the period 1730-1840. They in turn had been influenced by the Pietism movement in Germany. Church historian Randall Balmer explains that:
"Evangelicalism itself, I believe, is a quintessentially North American phenomenon, deriving as it did from the confluence of Pietism, Presbyterianism, and the vestiges of Puritanism. Evangelicalism picked up the peculiar characteristics from each strain – warmhearted spirituality from the Pietists (for instance), doctrinal precisionism from the Presbyterians, and individualistic introspection from the Puritans – even as the North American context itself has profoundly shaped the various manifestations of evangelicalism: fundamentalism, neo-evangelicalism, the holiness movement, Pentecostalism, the charismatic movement, and various forms of African-American and Hispanic evangelicalism.[12]
Dispensationalism[edit]
A second stream was Dispensationalism, a new interpretation of the Bible developed in the 1830s in England. Darby's ideas were disseminated by the notes and commentaries in the widely used Scofield Reference Bible, published in 1909. Dispensationalism was a millenarian theory that divided all of time into seven different stages, called "dispensations", which were seen as stages of God's revelation. At the end of each stage, according to this theory, God punished humanity for having been found wanting in God's testing. Secularism, liberalism, and immorality in the 1920s were believed to be signs that humanity had again failed God's testing. Dispensationalists believed that the world was on the verge of the last stage, where a final battle will take place at Armageddon, followed by Christ's return and 1,000 year reign.[13]
Princeton Theology (biblical inerrancy)[edit]
Main article: Princeton Theology
See also: Biblical inerrancy and Biblical literalism
A third stream was Princeton Theology, which responded to higher criticism of the Bible by developing from the 1840s to 1920 the doctrine of inerrancy. This doctrine, also called biblical inerrancy, stated that the Bible was divinely inspired, religiously authoritative, and without error.[14][15] The Princeton Seminary professor of Theology Charles Hodge insisted that the Bible was inerrant because God dictated its contents to the men who wrote it. Princeton theologians believed that the Bible should be read differently from any other historical document, and also that Christian modernism and liberalism led people to hell just like non-Christian religions.[13]
Biblical inerrancy was a particularly significant rallying point for fundamentalists.[16] This approach to the Bible is associated with conservative evangelical hermeneutical approaches to Scripture ranging from the historical-grammatical method to biblical literalism.[17]
The Fundamentals and modernism[edit]
Main article: The Fundamentals
A fourth stream—the immediate spark—was the 12-volume study The Fundamentals, published 1910-1915.[18] Sponsors subsidized the free distribution of over three million individual volumes to clergy, laymen and libraries. This version[19] stressed several core beliefs, including:
The inerrancy of the Bible
The literal nature of the Biblical accounts, especially regarding Christ's miracles and the Creation account in Genesis
The Virgin Birth of Christ
The bodily resurrection and physical return of Christ
The substitutionary atonement of Christ on the cross
Like Princeton Theology, The Fundamentals reflected growing opposition among many evangelical Christians towards higher criticism of the Bible and modernism.
Changing interpretations[edit]
The interpretations given the fundamentalist movement have changed over time, with most older interpretations being based on the concepts of social displacement or cultural lag.[6] Some in the 1930s, including H. Richard Niebuhr, understood the conflict between fundamentalism and modernism to be part of a broader social conflict between the cities and the country.[6] In this view the fundamentalists were country and small-town dwellers who were reacting against the progressivism of city dwellers.[6] Fundamentalism was seen as a form of anti-intellectualism during the 1950s; in the early 1960s Richard Hofstadter interpreted it in terms of status anxiety.[6]
Beginning in the late 1960s the movement began to be seen as "a bona fide religious, theological and even intellectual movement in its own right."[6] Instead of interpreting fundamentalism as a simple anti-intellectualism, Paul Carter argued that "fundamentalists were simply intellectual in a way different than their opponents."[6] Moving into the 1970s, Earnest R. Sandeen saw fundamentalism as arising from the confluence of Princeton Theology and millennialism.[6]
George Marsden defined fundamentalism as "militantly anti-modernist Protestant evangelicalism" in his 1980 work Fundamentalism and American Culture.[6] "Militant" in this sense does not mean "violent", it means "aggressively active in a cause".[20] Marsden saw fundamentalism arising from a number of preexisting evangelical movements that responded to various perceived threats by joining forces.[6] He argued that Christian fundamentalists were American evangelical Christians who in the 20th century opposed "both modernism in theology and the cultural changes that modernism endorsed. Militant opposition to modernism was what most clearly set off fundamentalism."[21] Others viewing militancy as a core characteristic of the fundamentalist movement include Philip Melling, Ung Kyu Pak and Ronald Witherup.[22][23][24] Donald McKim and David Wright (1992) argue that "in the 1920s, militant conservatives (fundamentalists) united to mount a conservative counter-offensive. Fundamentalists sought to rescue their denominations from the growth of modernism at home."[25]
According to Marsden, recent scholars differentiate "fundamentalists" from "evangelicals" by arguing the former were more militant and less willing to collaborate with groups considered "modernist" in theology. In the 1940s the more moderate faction of fundamentalists maintained the same theology but began calling themselves "evangelicals" to stress their less militant position.[26] Roger Olson (2007) identifies a more moderate faction of fundamentalists, which he calls "postfundamentalist", and says "most postfundamentalist evangelicals do not wish to be called fundamentalists, even though their basic theological orientation is not very different." According to Olson, a key event was the formation of the National Association of Evangelicals (NAE) in 1942.[27] Barry Hankins (2008) has a similar view, saying "beginning in the 1940s....militant and separatist evangelicals came to be called fundamentalists, while culturally engaged and non-militant evangelicals were supposed to be called evangelicals."[28]
Timothy Weber views fundamentalism as "a rather distinctive modern reaction to religious, social and intellectual changes of the late 1800s and early 1900s, a reaction that eventually took on a life of its own and changed significantly over time."[6]
In North America[edit]
Fundamentalist movements existed in most North American Protestant denominations by 1919 following attacks on modernist theology in Presbyterian and Baptist denominations. Fundamentalism was especially controversial among Presbyterians.[29]
In the United States[edit]
 Wikisource has original text related to this article:
The Doctrinal Statement of the World Conference on Christian Fundamentals 1919

A leading organizer of the Fundamentalist campaign against modernism in the United States was William Bell Riley, a Northern Baptist based in Minneapolis, where his Northwestern Bible and Missionary Training School (1902), Northwestern Evangelical Seminary (1935), and Northwestern College (1944) produced thousands of graduates. At a large conference in Philadelphia in 1919, Riley created the World Christian Fundamentals Association (WCFA), which became the chief interdenominational fundamentalist organization in the 1920s. Although the fundamentalist drive of the 1920s to take control of the major Protestant denominations failed at the national level, the network of churches and missions fostered by Riley shows the movement was growing in strength, especially in the U.S. South. Both rural and urban in character, the flourishing movement acted as a denominational surrogate and fostered a militant evangelical Christian orthodoxy. Riley was president of WCFA until 1929, after which the WFCA faded in importance.[30] The Independent Fundamental Churches of America became a leading association of U.S. fundamentalist churches upon its founding in 1930.



 J. Gresham Machen Memorial Hall
Much of the enthusiasm for mobilizing fundamentalism came from Christian seminaries and Christian "Bible colleges" in the United States. Two leading fundamentalist seminaries were the Dispensationalist Dallas Theological Seminary, founded in 1924 by Lewis Sperry Chafer, and the Reformed Westminster Theological Seminary, formed in 1929 under the leadership and funding of former Princeton Theological Seminary professor J. Gresham Machen.[31] Many Bible colleges were modeled after the Moody Bible Institute in Chicago. Dwight Moody was influential in preaching the imminence of the Kingdom of God that was so important to Dispensationalism.[32] Bible colleges prepared ministers who lacked college or seminary experience with intense study of the Bible, often using the Scofield Reference Bible of 1909, a King James Version Bible with detailed notes interpreting passages from a Dispensational perspective.
Although U.S. fundamentalism began in the North, the movement's greatest popular strength was in the South, especially among Southern Baptists, where individuals (and sometimes entire churches) left the convention to join other Baptist denominations perceived as "more conservative" or to join the Independent Baptist movement. By the late 1920s the national media had identified it with the South, largely ignoring manifestations elsewhere.[33] By the 1970s Christian fundamentalism was deeply entrenched and concentrated in the U.S. South. In 1972–1980 General Social Surveys, 65 percent of respondents from the "East South Central" region (comprising Tennessee, Kentucky, Mississippi, and Alabama) self-identified as fundamentalist. The share of fundamentalists was at or near 50 percent in "West South Central" (Texas to Arkansas) and "South Atlantic" (Florida to Maryland), and at 25 percent or below elsewhere in the country, with the low of nine percent in New England. The pattern persisted into the 21st century; in 2006–2010 surveys, the average share of fundamentalists in the East South Central Region stood at 58 percent, while, in New England, it climbed slightly to 13 percent.[34]
Evolution[edit]
Many fundamentalists in the 1920s devoted themselves to fighting the teaching of evolution in the nation's schools and colleges, especially by passing state laws that affected public schools. William Bell Riley took the initiative in the 1925 Scopes Trial to bring in famed politician William Jennings Bryan as an assistant to the local prosecutor, who helped attract national media attention to the trial. In the half century after the Scopes Trial, fundamentalists had little success in shaping government policy, and generally were defeated in their efforts to reshape the mainline denominations, which refused to join fundamentalist attacks on evolution.[13] Particularly after the Scopes Trial, liberals saw a division between Christians in favor of the teaching of evolution, whom they viewed as educated and tolerant, and Christians against evolution, whom they viewed as narrow-minded, tribal, obscurantist.[35]
However Edwards (2000) challenges the consensus view among scholars that in the wake of the Scopes trial, fundamentalism retreated into the political and cultural background, a viewpoint evidenced in the movie "Inherit the Wind" and the majority of contemporary historical accounts. Rather, he argues, the cause of fundamentalism's retreat was the death of its leader, Bryan. Most fundamentalists saw the trial as a victory and not a defeat, but Bryan's death soon after created a leadership void that no other fundamentalist leader could fill. Bryan, unlike the other leaders, brought name recognition, respectability, and the ability to forge a broad-based coalition of fundamentalist religious groups to argue for the anti-evolutionist position.[36]
Gatewood (1969) analyzes the transition from the anti-evolution crusade of the 1920s to the creation science movement of the 1960s. Despite some similarities between these two causes, the creation science movement represented a shift from religious to scientific objections to Darwin's theory. Creation science also differed in terms of popular leadership, rhetorical tone, and sectional focus. It lacked a prestigious leader like Bryan, utilized scientific rather than religious rhetoric, and was a product of California and Michigan instead of the South.[37]
Webb (1991) traces the political and legal struggles between strict creationists and Darwinists to influence the extent to which evolution would be taught as science in Arizona and California schools. After Scopes was convicted, creationists throughout the United States sought similar antievolution laws for their states. These included Reverends R. S. Beal and Aubrey L. Moore in Arizona and members of the Creation Research Society in California, all supported by distinguished laymen. They sought to ban evolution as a topic for study, or at least relegate it to the status of unproven theory perhaps taught alongside the biblical version of creation. Educators, scientists, and other distinguished laymen favored evolution. This struggle occurred later in the Southwest than in other US areas and persisted through the Sputnik era.[38]
In recent times, the courts have heard cases on whether or not the Book of Genesis's creation account should be taught in science classrooms alongside evolution, most notably in the 2005 federal court case Kitzmiller v. Dover Area School District.[39] Creationism was presented under the banner of intelligent design, with the book Of Pandas and People being its textbook. The trial ended with the judge deciding that teaching intelligent design in a science class was unconstitutional as it was a religious belief and not science.[40]
The original fundamentalist movement divided along clearly defined lines within conservative evangelical Protestantism as issues progressed. Many groupings, large and small, were produced by this schism. Neo-evangelicalism, Reformed and Lutheran Confessionalism, the Heritage movement, and Paleo-Orthodoxy have all developed distinct identities, but none of them acknowledge any more than an historical overlap with the fundamentalist movement, and the term is seldom used of them. The broader term "evangelical" includes fundamentalists as well as people with similar or identical religious beliefs who do not engage the outside challenge to the Bible as actively.[41]
Christian right[edit]
Main article: Christian right
The latter half of the twentieth century witnessed a surge of interest in organized political activism by U.S. fundamentalists. Dispensational fundamentalists viewed the 1948 establishment of the state of Israel as an important sign of the fulfillment of biblical prophecy, and support for Israel became the centerpiece of their approach to U.S. foreign policy.[42] United States Supreme Court decisions also ignited fundamentalists' interest in organized politics, particularly Engel v. Vitale in 1962, which prohibited state-sanctioned prayer in public schools, and Abington School District v. Schempp in 1963, which prohibited mandatory Bible reading in public schools.[43] By the time Ronald Reagan ran for the presidency in 1980, fundamentalist preachers, like the prohibitionist ministers of the early 20th century, were organizing their congregations to vote for supportive candidates.[44]
Leaders of the newly political fundamentalism included Rob Grant and Jerry Falwell. Beginning with Grant's American Christian Cause in 1974, Christian Voice throughout the 1970s and Falwell's Moral Majority in the 1980s, the Christian Right began to have a major impact on American politics. In the 1980s and 1990s, the Christian Right was influencing elections and policy with groups such as the Family Research Council (founded 1981 by James Dobson) and the Christian Coalition (formed in 1989 by Pat Robertson) helping conservative politicians, especially Republicans to win state and national elections.[45]
Neo-evangelicalism[edit]
American evangelist Billy Graham came from a fundamentalist background, but parted company with that movement because of his choice, early in his ministry (1950s), to cooperate with other Christians.[46] Graham represents a movement that arose within fundamentalism, but has increasingly become distinct from it, known as neo-evangelicalism or New Evangelicalism (a term coined by Harold J. Ockenga, the "Father of New Evangelicalism").
In Canada[edit]
In Canada, Fundamentalism was less of a force,[47] but it had an aggressive leader in English-born Thomas Todhunter Shields (1873–1955), who led 80 churches out of the Baptist federation in Ontario in 1927 and formed the Union of regular Baptist churches of Ontario and Quebec. He was affiliated with the Baptist Bible Union, based in the United States. His newspaper, The Gospel Witness, reached 30,000 subscribers in 16 countries, giving him an international reputation. He was one of the founders of the international Council of Christian Churches.[48]
Oswald J. Smith (1889–1986), reared in rural Ontario and educated at Moody Church in Chicago, set up The Peoples Church in Toronto in 1928. A dynamic preacher and leader in Canadian fundamentalism, Smith wrote 35 books and engaged in missionary work worldwide. The reverend Billy Graham called him, "the greatest combination pastor, hymn writer, missionary statesman, an evangelist of our time".[49]
Catholic fundamentalism[edit]
Some scholars describe certain Catholics as fundamentalists. Such Catholics believe in a literal interpretation of Vatican declarations, particularly those pronounced by the Pope,[50][51][52] and believe that individuals who do not agree with the magisterium are condemned by God.[53] Martin E. Marty described Catholic fundamentalists as advocating mass in Latin and mandatory clerical celibacy while opposing ordination of women priests and dismissals of artificial birth control.[54] The Society of St. Pius X, a product of Marcel Lefebvre, is cited as a stronghold of Catholic fundamentalism.[55][56]
Criticism[edit]
Fundamentalists have been criticized for presenting God "more as a God of judgement and punishment than as a God of love and mercy".[57] Groups such as the ACLU have brought suit against fundamentalist attempts to teach creationism in public schools, as in the federal court case of Kitzmiller v. Dover Area School District.[58]
In the 1930s fundamentalism was viewed by many as a "last gasp" vestige of something in the past.[59] More recent scholarship has shifted away from that view.[6][60]
Confessional Lutheran churches reject the fundamentalist position and believe that all Biblical teachings are essential:

Are there some "non-essential" or "non-fundamental" teachings about which we can safely disagree? If they believe the answer is "yes," that in itself is already reason for alarm. The Bible teaches that no teachings of the Bible can safely be set aside. "Agreeing to disagree" is really not God-pleasing agreement.[61]
As, according to Lutheran apologists, Martin Luther said:

The doctrine is not ours, but God's, and we are called to be his servants. Therefore we cannot waver or change the smallest point of doctrine.[62]
See also[edit]
Bible believer
British Conservative Evangelicalism
Christian eschatological differences
Christian Reconstructionism
Christian right
Christian Zionism
Dominionism
Reformed Fundamentalism
Bibliography[edit]
Almond, Gabriel A., R. Scott Appleby, and Emmanuel Sivan, eds. (2003). Strong Religion: The Rise of Fundamentalisms around the World and text search
Armstrong, Karen (2001). The Battle for God. New York: Ballantine Books. ISBN 0-345-39169-1.
Ballmer, Randall (2nd ed 2004). Encyclopedia of Evangelicalism
Ballmer, Randall (2010). The Making of Evangelicalism: From Revivalism to Politics and Beyond, 120pp
Ballmer, Randall (2000). Blessed Assurance: A History of Evangelicalism in America
Beale, David O. (1986). In Pursuit of Purity: American Fundamentalism Since 1850. Greenville, SC: Bob Jones University (Unusual Publications). ISBN 0-89084-350-3.
Bebbington, David W. (1990). "Baptists and Fundamentalists in Inter-War Britain." In Keith Robbins, ed. Protestant Evangelicalism: Britain, Ireland, Germany and America c.1750-c.1950. Studies in Church History subsidia 7, 297–326. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, ISBN 0-631-17818-X.
Bebbington, David W. (1993). "Martyrs for the Truth: Fundamentalists in Britain." In Diana Wood, ed. Martyrs and Martyrologies, Studies in Church History Vol. 30, 417–451. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, ISBN 0-631-18868-1.
Barr, James (1977). Fundamentalism. London: SCM Press. ISBN 0-334-00503-5.
Caplan, Lionel (1987). Studies in Religious Fundamentalism. London: The MacMillan Press, ISBN 0-88706-518-X.
Carpenter, Joel A. (1999). Revive Us Again: The Reawakening of American Fundamentalism. Oxford University Press, ISBN 0-19-512907-5.
Cole, Stewart Grant (1931). The History of Fundamentalism, Greenwood Press ISBN 0-8371-5683-1.
Doner, Colonel V. (2012). Christian Jihad: Neo-Fundamentalists and the Polarization of America, Samizdat Creative
Elliott, David R. (1993). "Knowing No Borders: Canadian Contributions to Fundamentalism." In George A. Rawlyk and Mark A. Noll, eds. Amazing Grace: Evangelicalism in Australia, Britain, Canada and the United States. Grand Rapids: Baker. 349–374, ISBN 0-7735-1214-4.
Dollar, George W. (1973). A History of Fundamentalism in America. Greenville: Bob Jones University Press.
Hankins, Barry. (2008). American Evangelicals: A Contemporary History of A Mainstream Religious Movement, scholarly history excerpt and text search
Harris, Harriet A. (1998). Fundamentalism and Evangelicals. Oxford University. ISBN 0-19-826960-9.
Hart, D. G. (1998). "The Tie that Divides: Presbyterian Ecumenism, Fundamentalism and the History of Twentieth-Century American Protestantism." Westminster Theological Journal 60, 85–107.
Hughes, Richard Thomas (1988). The American quest for the primitive church 257pp excerpt and text search
Laats, Adam (Feb. 2010). "Forging a Fundamentalist 'One Best System': Struggles over Curriculum and Educational Philosophy for Christian Day Schools, 1970–1989," History of Education Quarterly, 50 (Feb. 2010), 55–83.
Longfield, Bradley J. (1991). The Presbyterian Controversy. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-508674-0.
Marsden, George M. (1995). "Fundamentalism as an American Phenomenon." In D. G. Hart, ed. Reckoning with the Past, 303–321. Grand Rapids: Baker.
Marsden; George M. (1980). Fundamentalism and American Culture. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-502758-2; the standard scholarly history (by a fundamentalist); excerpt and text search
Marsden, George M. (1991). Understanding Fundamentalism and Evangelicalism excerpt and text search
McCune, Rolland D. (1998). "The Formation of New Evangelicalism (Part One): Historical and Theological Antecedents." Detroit Baptist Seminary Journal, 3, 3–34.
McLachlan, Douglas R. (1993). Reclaiming Authentic Fundamentalism. Independence, Mo.: American Association of Christian Schools. ISBN 0-918407-02-8.
Noll, Mark (1992). A History of Christianity in the United States and Canada.. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Company. 311–389. ISBN 0-8028-0651-1.
Noll, Mark A., David W. Bebbington and George A. Rawlyk eds. (1994). Evangelicalism: Comparative Studies of Popular Protestantism in North America, the British Isles and Beyond, 1700–1990.
Rawlyk, George A., and Mark A. Noll, eds. (1993). Amazing Grace: Evangelicalism in Australia, Britain, Canada, and the United States.
Rennie, Ian S. (1994). "Fundamentalism and the Varieties of North Atlantic Evangelicalism." in Mark A. Noll, David W. Bebbington and George A. Rawlyk eds. Evangelicalism: Comparative Studies of Popular Protestantism in North America, the British Isles and Beyond, 1700–1990. New York: Oxford University Press. 333–364, ISBN 0-19-508362-8.
Russell, C. Allyn (1976), Voices of American Fundamentalism: Seven Biographical Studies, Philadelphia: Westminster Press, ISBN 0-664-20814-2
Ruthven, Malise (2007). Fundamentalism: A Very Short Introduction excerpt and text search
Sandeen, Ernest Robert (1970). The Roots of Fundamentalism: British and American Millenarianism, 1800–1930, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, ISBN 0-226-73467-6
Seat, Leroy (2007). Fed Up with Fundamentalism: A Historical, Theological, and Personal Appraisal of Christian Fundamentalism. Liberty, MO: 4-L Publications. ISBN 978-1-59526-859-4
Stackhouse, John G. (1993). Canadian Evangelicalism in the Twentieth Century
Trollinger, William V. (1991). God's Empire: William Bell Riley and Midwestern Fundamentalism excerpts and text search
Utzinger, J. Michael (2006). Yet Saints Their Watch Are Keeping: Fundamentalists, Modernists, and the Development of Evangelical Ecclesiology, 1887-1937, Macon: Mercer University Press, ISBN 0-86554-902-8
Witherup, Ronald D. S.S. (2001). Biblical Fundamentalism: What Every Catholic Should Know, 101pp excerpt and text search
Young, F. Lionel, III, (2005). "To the Right of Billy Graham: John R. Rice's 1957 Crusade Against New Evangelicalism and the End of the Fundamentalist-Evangelical Coalition." Th. M. Thesis, Trinity Evangelical Divinity School.
Primary sources[edit]
Hankins, Barr, ed. (2008). Evangelicalism and Fundamentalism: A Documentary Reader excerpt and text search
Torrey, R. A., Dixon, A. C., et al. (eds.) (1917). The Fundamentals: A Testimony to the Truth partial version at web.archive.org. Accessed 2011-07-26.
Trollinger, William Vance, Jr., ed. (1995). The Antievolution Pamphlets of William Bell Riley. (Creationism in Twentieth-Century America: A Ten-Volume Anthology of Documents, 1903-1961. Vol. 4.) New York: Garland, 221 pp. excerpt and text search
References[edit]
1.^ Jump up to: a b Fundamentalism at merriam-webster.com. Accessed 2011-07-28.
2.^ Jump up to: a b Marsden (1980), pp. 55-62, 118-23.
3.Jump up ^ Sandeen (1970), p. 6
4.Jump up ^ Hill, Brennan; Knitter, Paul F.; Madges, William. Faith, Religion & Theology: A Contemporary Introduction. Twenty-Third Publications. "Catholic fundamentalists, like their Protestant counterparts, fear that the church has abandoned the unchanging truth of past tradition for the evolving speculations of modern theology. They fear that Christian societies have replaced systems of absolute moral norms with subjective decision making and relativism. Like Protestant fundamentalists, Catholic fundamentalists propose a worldview that is rigorous and clear cut."
5.Jump up ^ Roger E. Olson (2004). The Westminster Handbook to Evangelical Theology. Westminster John Knox Press. pp. 3–6. summarizes the debate.
6.^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g h i j k l Reid, D. G., Linder, R. D., Shelley, B. L., & Stout, H. S. (1990). In Dictionary of Christianity in America. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press. Entry on Fundamentalism
7.Jump up ^ Robbins, Dale A. (1995). What is a Fundamentalist Christian?. Grass Valley, California: Victorious Publications. Retrieved 2009-12-01.
8.Jump up ^ Horton, Ron. "Christian Education at Bob Jones University". Greenville, South Carolina: Bob Jones University. Retrieved 2009-12-01.
9.Jump up ^ Wilson, William P. "Legalism and the Authority of Scripture". Retrieved 19 March 2010.
10.Jump up ^ Morton, Timothy S. "From Liberty to Legalism - A Candid Study of Legalism, "Pharisees," and Christian Liberty". Retrieved 19 March 2010.
11.Jump up ^ Sandeen (1970), ch 1
12.Jump up ^ Randall Balmer (2002). The Encyclopedia of Evangelicalism. Westminster John Knox Press. pp. vii–viii.
13.^ Jump up to: a b c Kee, Howard Clark; Emily Albu; Carter Lindberg; J. William Frost; Dana L. Robert (1998). Christianity: A Social and Cultural History. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall. p. 484. ISBN 0-13-578071-3.
14.Jump up ^ Marsden (1980), pp 109-118
15.Jump up ^ Sandeen (1970) pp 103-31
16.Jump up ^ Marsden, George M. (1995). Reforming Fundamentalism: Fuller Seminary and the New Evangelicalism. Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing. p. 118.
17.Jump up ^ Beyond Biblical Literalism and Inerrancy: Conservative Protestants and the Hermeneutic Interpretation of Scripture, John Bartkowski, Sociology of Religion, 57, 1996.
18.Jump up ^ Sandeen (1970) pp 188-207
19.Jump up ^ The Fundamentals A Testimony to the Truth
20.Jump up ^ "Militant" in Merriam Webster Third Unabridged Dictionary (1961) which cites "militant suffragist" and "militant trade unionism" as example.
21.Jump up ^ Marsden (1980), Fundamentalism and American Culture p. 4
22.Jump up ^ Philip H. Melling, Fundamentalism in America: millennialism, identity and militant religion (1999). As another scholar points out, "One of the major distinctives of fundamentalism is militancy."
23.Jump up ^ Ung Kyu Pak, Millennialism in the Korean Protestant Church (2005) p. 211.
24.Jump up ^ Ronald D. Witherup, a Catholic scholar, says: "Essentially, fundamentalists see themselves as defending authentic Christian religion... The militant aspect helps to explain the desire of fundamentalists to become active in political change." Ronald D. Witherup, Biblical Fundamentalism: What Every Catholic Should Know (2001) p 2
25.Jump up ^ Donald K. McKim and David F. Wright, Encyclopedia of the Reformed faith (1992) p. 148
26.Jump up ^ George M. Marsden (1995). Reforming Fundamentalism: Fuller Seminary and the New Evangelicalism. Wm. B. Eerdmans. p. xi.
27.Jump up ^ Roger E. Olson, Pocket History of Evangelical Theology (2007) p. 12
28.Jump up ^ Barry Hankins, Francis Schaeffer and the shaping of Evangelical America (2008) p 233
29.Jump up ^ Marsden, George M. (1995). Reforming Fundamentalism: Fuller Seminary and the New Evangelicalism. Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing. pp. 109–118.
30.Jump up ^ William Vance Trollinger, Jr. "Riley's Empire: Northwestern Bible School and Fundamentalism in the Upper Midwest". Church History 1988 57(2): 197-212. 0009-6407
31.Jump up ^ Marsden, George M. (1995). Reforming Fundamentalism: Fuller Seminary and the New Evangelicalism. Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing. p. 33.
32.Jump up ^ Kee, Howard Clark; Emily Albu; Carter Lindberg; J. William Frost; Dana L. Robert (1998). Christianity: A Social and Cultural History. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall. p. 484.
33.Jump up ^ Mary Beth Swetnam Mathews, Rethinking Zion: how the print media placed fundamentalism in the South (2006) page xi
34.Jump up ^ "General Social Survey database".
35.Jump up ^ David Goetz, "The Monkey Trial". Christian History 1997 16(3): 10-18. 0891-9666; Burton W. Folsom, Jr. "The Scopes Trial Reconsidered." Continuity 1988 (12): 103-127. 0277-1446, by a leading conservative scholar
36.Jump up ^ Mark Edwards, "Rethinking the Failure of Fundamentalist Political Antievolutionism after 1925". Fides Et Historia 2000 32(2): 89-106. 0884-5379
37.Jump up ^ Willard B. Gatewood, Jr., ed. Controversy in the Twenties: Fundamentalism, Modernism, & Evolution (1969)
38.Jump up ^ George E. Webb, "The Evolution Controversy in Arizona and California: From the 1920s to the 1980s." Journal of the Southwest 1991 33(2): 133-150. 0894-8410. See also Christopher K. Curtis, "Mississippi's Anti-Evolution Law of 1926." Journal Of Mississippi History 1986 48(1): 15-29.
39.Jump up ^ "Kitzmiller v. Dover: Intelligent Design on Trial". National Center for Science Education. October 17, 2008. Retrieved 21 June 2011.
40.Jump up ^ Wikisource:Kitzmiller v. Dover Area School District et al., H. Conclusion
41.Jump up ^ Harris, Harriet A. Fundamentalism and Evangelicals (2008) pp.39, 313.
42.Jump up ^ Aaron William Stone, Dispensationalism and United States foreign policy with Israel (2008) excerpt
43.Jump up ^ Bruce J. Dierenfield, The Battle over School Prayer (2007) p 236
44.Jump up ^ Oran Smith, The Rise of Baptist Republicanism (2000)
45.Jump up ^ Albert J. Menendez, Evangelicals at the Ballot Box (1996) pp 128-74
46.Jump up ^ Bob Jones University Drops Interracial Dating Ban | Christianity Today|A Magazine of Evangelical Conviction
47.Jump up ^ John G. Stackhouse, Canadian Evangelicalism in the Twentieth Century (1993)
48.Jump up ^ C. Allyn Russell, "Thomas Todhunter Shields: Canadian Fundamentalist," Foundations, 1981, Vol. 24 Issue 1, pp 15-31
49.Jump up ^ David R. Elliott, "Knowing No Borders: Canadian Contributions to American Fundamentalism," in George A. Rawlyk and Mark A. Noll, eds., Amazing Grace: Evangelicalism in Australia, Britain, Canada, and the United States (1993)
50.Jump up ^ Gerald A. Arbuckle. Violence, Society, and the Church: A Cultural Approach. Liturgical Press. p. 208.
51.Jump up ^ Richard P. McBrien. The HarperCollins Encyclopedia of Catholicism. HarperCollins. "fundamentalism, Catholic, the Catholic forms of religious fundamentalism, including especially an unhistorical and literal reading not of the Bible but also of the official teachings of the Church."
52.Jump up ^ Brennan Hill, Paul F. Knitter, William Madges. Faith, Religion & Theology: A Contemporary Introduction. Twenty-Third Publications. "Catholic fundamentalism also has its distinctive traits. Whereas Protestant fundamentalists invest absolute authority in the literal interpretation of Scripture, fundamentalist Catholics invest absolute authority in the literal interpretation of Vatican declarations and in the figure of the pope. In the words of Catholic theologian Thomas O'Meara, "creeping infallibility," that is, the belief that everything said by the pope or a Vatican congregation is incapable of error, accomplishes for Catholic fundamentalists what the biblical page does for Protestant fundamentalists."
53.Jump up ^ Brennan Hill, Paul F. Knitter, William Madges. Faith, Religion & Theology: A Contemporary Introduction. Twenty-Third Publications. "Catholic fundamentalists, like Protestant fundamentalists, stress the need for an absolute external authority to guide the thinking and decision making of the individual. They do so because of the sinfulness of the human person. Left to his or her own devices, the individual, they feel, will generally make bad judgements. Consequently, individual freedom must be directed by the right authority. In the case of Catholic fundamentalism, this means literal adherence fully to past tradition, or who have difficulty assenting to every official statement of the hierarchical magisterium, are judged harshly. Such sinners, say fundamentalists, are condemned by God."
54.Jump up ^ Brennan Hill, Paul F. Knitter, William Madges. Faith, Religion & Theology: A Contemporary Introduction. Twenty-Third Publications. "As Martin Marty has noted, Catholic fundamentalists may overlook-of course, without necessarily denying-the big "fundamentals" such as the Trinity. They will instead "select items that will 'stand out,' such as Mass in Latin, opposition to women priests, optional clerical celibacy, or support for dismissals of 'artificial birth control.'""
55.Jump up ^ Richard P. McBrien. The HarperCollins Encyclopedia of Catholicism. HarperCollins. "There are also fundamentalist communities ranging from the Lefebvre schism within the Catholic Church to movements of a dubious spirituality or to unapproved religious communities."
56.Jump up ^ Gerald A. Arbuckle. Violence, Society, and the Church: A Cultural Approach. Liturgical Press. p. 208. "Catholic fundamentalists belong to a particularly aggressive form of restorationism noted for...Concern for accidentals, not for the substance of issues, e.g., the Lefebvre sect stresses Latin for the Mass, failing to see that this does not pertain to authentic tradition. Attempts by fundamentalists groups, e.g., Opus Dei, to infiltrate governmental structures of the Church in order to obtain legitimacy for their views and to impose them on the whole Church."
57.Jump up ^ Brennan Hill, Paul F. Knitter, William Madges. Faith, Religion & Theology: A Contemporary Introduction. Twenty-Third Publications. "In fundamentalists circles, both Catholic and Protestant, God is often presented more as a God of judgement and punishment than as a God of love and mercy."
58.Jump up ^ http://www.aclu.org/religion-belief/victory-challenge-intelligent-design
59.Jump up ^ Parent, Mark (1998). Spirit Scapes: Mapping the Spiritual & Scientific Terrain at the Dawn of the New Millennium. Wood Lake Publishing Inc. p. 161. ISBN 9781770642959. Retrieved 2013-07-22. "By the beginning of the 1930s [...] fundamentalism appeared to be in disarray everywhere. Scholarly studies sprang up which claimed that fundamentalism was the last gasp of a dying religious order that was quickly vanishing."
60.Jump up ^ Hankins, Barry (2008). "'We're All Evangelicals Now': The Existential and Backward Historiography of Twentieth-Century Evangelicalism". In Harper, Keith. American Denominational History: Perspectives on the Past, Prospects for the Future. Religion & American Culture 68. University of Alabama Press. p. 196. ISBN 9780817355128. Retrieved 2013-07-22. "[...] in 1970 [...] Ernest Shandeen's The Roots of Fundamentalism [...] shifted the interpretation away from the view that fundamentalism was a last-gasp attempt to preserve a dying way of life."
61.Jump up ^ "Correct Churches". WELS Topical Q&A. Wisconsin Evangelical Lutheran Synod. Archived from the original on 27 Sep 2009. Retrieved 29 Jan 2015.
62.Jump up ^ What is the Lutheran Confessional Church?, by Lutheran Confessional Church
External links[edit]
 Wikimedia Commons has media related to Christian fundamentalism.
 Wikiquote has quotations related to: Fundamentalist Christianity
A. C. Dixon, Chicago Liberals and the Fundamentals by Gerald L. Priest
Christian Fundamentalism and the Media
Earliest Written Version of The Five Essentials
Fundamentalism Profile
The Fundamentals: A Testimony to the Truth Online version of "The Fundamentals", not complete at 2011-07-26.
WELS Topical Q&A: Essential Christian Doctrine (A Confessional Lutheran perspective)


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Evangelism

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 The Four Evangelists
Evangelism is the preaching of the gospel or the practice of giving information about a particular doctrine or set of beliefs to others with the intention of converting others to the Christian faith.
This term is not restricted to any particular Christian tradition, and should not be confused with Evangelicalism, a common term for a wide range of "Evangelical" Protestant churches and groups.
Christians who specialize in evangelism are often known as evangelists, whether they are in their home communities or living as missionaries in the field, although some Christian traditions refer to such people as missionaries in either case. Some Christian traditions consider evangelists to be in a leadership position; they may be found preaching to large meetings or in governance roles.
Christian groups who actively encourage evangelism are sometimes known as evangelistic or evangelist. The scriptures do not use the word evangelism, but evangelist is used in (the translations of) Acts 21:8, Ephesians 4:11, and 2 Timothy 4:5.


Contents  [hide]
1 Etymology
2 Proselytism
3 Origin
4 Modern methods
5 Evangelists
6 Missionary work
7 See also
8 Footnotes
9 Further reading

Etymology[edit]
Main article: Good news (Christianity)
The word "evangelist" comes from the Koine Greek word εὐαγγέλιον (transliterated as "euangelion") via Latinised Evangelium, as used in the canonical titles of the Four Gospels, authored by Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John (also known as the Four Evangelists). The Greek word εὐαγγέλιον originally meant a reward given to the messenger for good news (εὔ = "good", ἀγγέλλω = "I bring a message"; the word "angel" comes from the same root) and later "good news" itself.
The verb form of euangelion,[1] (translated as "evangelism"), occurs rarely in older Greek literature outside the New Testament, making its meaning more difficult to ascertain. Parallel texts of the Gospels of Luke and Mark reveal a synonymous relationship between the verb euangelizo (εὑαγγελίζω) and a Greek verb kerusso (κηρυσσω), which means "to proclaim".[2]
Proselytism[edit]
Main article: Proselytism
While evangelism is usually regarded as converting non-Christians to Christianity, this is not always the proper usage of the word. If converting to Christianity includes services or material benefits, evangelism is called proselytism. Different denominations follow different theological interpretations which reflect upon the point of who is doing the actual conversion, whether the evangelist or the Holy Spirit or both. Calvinists, for example, believe the soul is converted only if the Holy Spirit is effective in the act.[3]
Catholic missionary work in Russia is commonly seen as evangelism, not proselytism. Archbishop Kondrusiewicz openly stated, "that proselytism is absolutely unacceptable and cannot constitute a strategy for the development of our structures either in Russia or in any other country in the world".[4] Especially regarding claims by the Orthodox church that spreading the faith and receiving converts amounts to proselytism,[5] the Catholic Church's Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith issued a document called "Doctrinal Note on some Aspects of Evangelization"[6] which states that evangelism is "an inalienable right and duty, an expression of religious liberty ...", and added, "The incorporation of new members into the Church is not the expansion of a power group, but rather entrance into the network of friendship with Christ which connects heaven and earth, different continents and age. It is entrance into the gift of communion with Christ...."
Origin[edit]
Main article: Great Commission
In recent history, certain Bible passages have been used to promote evangelism. William Carey, in a book entitled, 'An Enquiry into the Obligations of Christians to Use Means for the Conversion of the Heathens' popularised a quotation, where, according to the Bible, during his last days on earth Jesus commanded his eleven disciples (the apostles) as follows:

Therefore go and make disciples of all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit, and teaching them to obey everything I have commanded you. And surely I am with you always, to the very end of the age.
— Matthew 28:19,20 NIV
However, recent scholarship by Chris Wright[7] and others has suggested that such activity is promoted by the entire Bible, or at least the wider term 'mission', although the meaning of the word 'mission' and its relationship to 'evangelism' is disputed amongst Christians.
Modern methods[edit]
Breaking from tradition and going beyond television and radio a wide range of methods have been developed to reach people not inclined to attend traditional events in churches or revival meetings.
Dramas such as Heaven's Gates, Hell's Flames have gained enormous popularity since the 1980s. These dramas typically depict fictional characters who die and learn whether they will go to heaven or hell.
Beginning in the 1970s, a group of Christian athletes known as the The Power Team spawned an entire genre of Christian entertainment based on strong-man exploits mixed with a Christian message and usually accompanied by an opportunity to respond with a prayer for salvation.[8]
Other entertainment-based Christian evangelism events include comedy, live theater and music.
The Christian music industry has also played a significant role in modern evangelism. Rock (and other genres) concerts in which the artist(s) exhort non-believing attendees to pray a prayer for salvation have become common, and just as common are concerts that are focused on activity not necessarily on prayer and conversion, thus forming an environment that is not driven by conversion, but instead relaying of a message.
Evangelists[edit]



 Billy Graham in Düsseldorf (1954)
Sometimes, the regular minister of a church is called a preacher in a way that other groups would typically use the term pastor. The evangelist in some churches is one that travels from town to town and from church to church, spreading the gospel of Jesus Christ. Many Christians of various theological perspectives would call themselves "evangelists" because they are spreaders of the gospel. Many churches believe one of their major functions is to function as evangelists to spread the evangelist belief that Jesus is savior of humanity.
The title of evangelist is often associated with those who lead large meetings like those of Billy Graham, Luis Palau[9] and J.A. Pérez[10] possibly in tents or existing church buildings, or those who address the public in street corner preaching, which targets listeners who happen to pass nearby. It can also be done in small groups or even on a one-to-one basis, but actually it is simply one who spreads the gospel. Increasingly, the internet enables anyone to become an Internet evangelist.
Missionary work[edit]
See also: Approaches to evangelism
The New Testament urges believers to speak the gospel clearly, fearlessly, graciously, and respectfully whenever an opportunity presents itself (see Colossians 4:2-6, Ephesians 6:19-20, and 1 Peter 3:15).
Throughout most of its history, Christianity has been spread evangelistically, though the extent of evangelism has varied significantly between Christian communities, and denominations. Evangelism, apologetics and apostolic ministry often go hand in hand. An ἀπόστολος (apostolos) is literally "one who is ordered forth" and refers to the missionary calling of being ordered forth into the world by the initiation of God. An example of an interplay between Evangelism and Apologetics can be seen in the USA when upon door to door Evangelism the prospect is an unbeliever and challenges the Evangelist wherein the Evangelist then follows into the role of the Apologist in defense of their faith with the hope that Evangelism may be restarted. Since missionaries often travel to areas or people groups where Jesus is not yet known, they frequently take on an evangelistic role. But the apostolic or missionary calling is not necessarily the same (and it is a misnomer and misinterpretation to equate them), as there are many who serve in missionary, church planting, and ministry development roles who have an apostolic calling or serve in an apostolic role but whose primary duty is not evangelism.
See also[edit]
10/40 Window
Catholic Action
Catholic Charismatic Renewal
Charismatic Movement
Child evangelism movement
Emmanuel Community
Evangelical Catholic
Evangelical environmentalism
Fidesco International
Open-air preaching
Romans Road
Technology evangelist
Footnotes[edit]
1.Jump up ^ The 7 Principles of an Evangelistic Life, p. 32, Douglas M. Cecil, Moody Publishers
2.Jump up ^ Bible as a Second Language, webpage, retrieved November 5, 2008
3.Jump up ^ "Curb proselytism in Andhra Pradesh". News Today. 4 July 2006. Retrieved 10 January 2009.
4.Jump up ^ "Russia's conversion does not require leaving Orthodox faith: Catholic prelate". Catholic World News. 14 May 2007. Retrieved 10 January 2009.
5.Jump up ^ "Vatican defends duty to evangelize and accept converts". Reuters. 14 December 2007. Retrieved 10 January 2009.
6.Jump up ^ "Doctrinal Note on some Aspects of Evangelization" (PDF). Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith. 3 December 2007. Archived from the original (PDF) on 20 December 2007.
7.Jump up ^ Wright, Christopher (2006). The Mission of God. IVP Academic. ISBN 0-8308-2571-1.
8.Jump up ^ http://journalstar.com/lifestyles/faith-and-values/coming-on-strong-power-team-lifts-weights-and-spirits/article_dbe77b67-99ce-59f4-b994-d0c0e5891228.html
9.Jump up ^ Luis Palau
10.Jump up ^ Jorge Armando Pérez
Further reading[edit]
 Look up evangelism, evangelist, ευαγγελιον, evangelical, or evangelization in Wiktionary, the free dictionary.
Abdiyah Akbar Abdul-Haqq, Sharing Your [Christian] Faith with a Muslim. Minneapolis: Bethany House Publishers, 1980. ISBN 0-87123-553-6
Jay Riley Case, An Unpredictable Gospel: American Evangelicals and World Christianity, 1812-1920. New York: Oxford University Press, 2012.


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Evangelism

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 The Four Evangelists
Evangelism is the preaching of the gospel or the practice of giving information about a particular doctrine or set of beliefs to others with the intention of converting others to the Christian faith.
This term is not restricted to any particular Christian tradition, and should not be confused with Evangelicalism, a common term for a wide range of "Evangelical" Protestant churches and groups.
Christians who specialize in evangelism are often known as evangelists, whether they are in their home communities or living as missionaries in the field, although some Christian traditions refer to such people as missionaries in either case. Some Christian traditions consider evangelists to be in a leadership position; they may be found preaching to large meetings or in governance roles.
Christian groups who actively encourage evangelism are sometimes known as evangelistic or evangelist. The scriptures do not use the word evangelism, but evangelist is used in (the translations of) Acts 21:8, Ephesians 4:11, and 2 Timothy 4:5.


Contents  [hide]
1 Etymology
2 Proselytism
3 Origin
4 Modern methods
5 Evangelists
6 Missionary work
7 See also
8 Footnotes
9 Further reading

Etymology[edit]
Main article: Good news (Christianity)
The word "evangelist" comes from the Koine Greek word εὐαγγέλιον (transliterated as "euangelion") via Latinised Evangelium, as used in the canonical titles of the Four Gospels, authored by Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John (also known as the Four Evangelists). The Greek word εὐαγγέλιον originally meant a reward given to the messenger for good news (εὔ = "good", ἀγγέλλω = "I bring a message"; the word "angel" comes from the same root) and later "good news" itself.
The verb form of euangelion,[1] (translated as "evangelism"), occurs rarely in older Greek literature outside the New Testament, making its meaning more difficult to ascertain. Parallel texts of the Gospels of Luke and Mark reveal a synonymous relationship between the verb euangelizo (εὑαγγελίζω) and a Greek verb kerusso (κηρυσσω), which means "to proclaim".[2]
Proselytism[edit]
Main article: Proselytism
While evangelism is usually regarded as converting non-Christians to Christianity, this is not always the proper usage of the word. If converting to Christianity includes services or material benefits, evangelism is called proselytism. Different denominations follow different theological interpretations which reflect upon the point of who is doing the actual conversion, whether the evangelist or the Holy Spirit or both. Calvinists, for example, believe the soul is converted only if the Holy Spirit is effective in the act.[3]
Catholic missionary work in Russia is commonly seen as evangelism, not proselytism. Archbishop Kondrusiewicz openly stated, "that proselytism is absolutely unacceptable and cannot constitute a strategy for the development of our structures either in Russia or in any other country in the world".[4] Especially regarding claims by the Orthodox church that spreading the faith and receiving converts amounts to proselytism,[5] the Catholic Church's Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith issued a document called "Doctrinal Note on some Aspects of Evangelization"[6] which states that evangelism is "an inalienable right and duty, an expression of religious liberty ...", and added, "The incorporation of new members into the Church is not the expansion of a power group, but rather entrance into the network of friendship with Christ which connects heaven and earth, different continents and age. It is entrance into the gift of communion with Christ...."
Origin[edit]
Main article: Great Commission
In recent history, certain Bible passages have been used to promote evangelism. William Carey, in a book entitled, 'An Enquiry into the Obligations of Christians to Use Means for the Conversion of the Heathens' popularised a quotation, where, according to the Bible, during his last days on earth Jesus commanded his eleven disciples (the apostles) as follows:

Therefore go and make disciples of all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit, and teaching them to obey everything I have commanded you. And surely I am with you always, to the very end of the age.
— Matthew 28:19,20 NIV
However, recent scholarship by Chris Wright[7] and others has suggested that such activity is promoted by the entire Bible, or at least the wider term 'mission', although the meaning of the word 'mission' and its relationship to 'evangelism' is disputed amongst Christians.
Modern methods[edit]
Breaking from tradition and going beyond television and radio a wide range of methods have been developed to reach people not inclined to attend traditional events in churches or revival meetings.
Dramas such as Heaven's Gates, Hell's Flames have gained enormous popularity since the 1980s. These dramas typically depict fictional characters who die and learn whether they will go to heaven or hell.
Beginning in the 1970s, a group of Christian athletes known as the The Power Team spawned an entire genre of Christian entertainment based on strong-man exploits mixed with a Christian message and usually accompanied by an opportunity to respond with a prayer for salvation.[8]
Other entertainment-based Christian evangelism events include comedy, live theater and music.
The Christian music industry has also played a significant role in modern evangelism. Rock (and other genres) concerts in which the artist(s) exhort non-believing attendees to pray a prayer for salvation have become common, and just as common are concerts that are focused on activity not necessarily on prayer and conversion, thus forming an environment that is not driven by conversion, but instead relaying of a message.
Evangelists[edit]



 Billy Graham in Düsseldorf (1954)
Sometimes, the regular minister of a church is called a preacher in a way that other groups would typically use the term pastor. The evangelist in some churches is one that travels from town to town and from church to church, spreading the gospel of Jesus Christ. Many Christians of various theological perspectives would call themselves "evangelists" because they are spreaders of the gospel. Many churches believe one of their major functions is to function as evangelists to spread the evangelist belief that Jesus is savior of humanity.
The title of evangelist is often associated with those who lead large meetings like those of Billy Graham, Luis Palau[9] and J.A. Pérez[10] possibly in tents or existing church buildings, or those who address the public in street corner preaching, which targets listeners who happen to pass nearby. It can also be done in small groups or even on a one-to-one basis, but actually it is simply one who spreads the gospel. Increasingly, the internet enables anyone to become an Internet evangelist.
Missionary work[edit]
See also: Approaches to evangelism
The New Testament urges believers to speak the gospel clearly, fearlessly, graciously, and respectfully whenever an opportunity presents itself (see Colossians 4:2-6, Ephesians 6:19-20, and 1 Peter 3:15).
Throughout most of its history, Christianity has been spread evangelistically, though the extent of evangelism has varied significantly between Christian communities, and denominations. Evangelism, apologetics and apostolic ministry often go hand in hand. An ἀπόστολος (apostolos) is literally "one who is ordered forth" and refers to the missionary calling of being ordered forth into the world by the initiation of God. An example of an interplay between Evangelism and Apologetics can be seen in the USA when upon door to door Evangelism the prospect is an unbeliever and challenges the Evangelist wherein the Evangelist then follows into the role of the Apologist in defense of their faith with the hope that Evangelism may be restarted. Since missionaries often travel to areas or people groups where Jesus is not yet known, they frequently take on an evangelistic role. But the apostolic or missionary calling is not necessarily the same (and it is a misnomer and misinterpretation to equate them), as there are many who serve in missionary, church planting, and ministry development roles who have an apostolic calling or serve in an apostolic role but whose primary duty is not evangelism.
See also[edit]
10/40 Window
Catholic Action
Catholic Charismatic Renewal
Charismatic Movement
Child evangelism movement
Emmanuel Community
Evangelical Catholic
Evangelical environmentalism
Fidesco International
Open-air preaching
Romans Road
Technology evangelist
Footnotes[edit]
1.Jump up ^ The 7 Principles of an Evangelistic Life, p. 32, Douglas M. Cecil, Moody Publishers
2.Jump up ^ Bible as a Second Language, webpage, retrieved November 5, 2008
3.Jump up ^ "Curb proselytism in Andhra Pradesh". News Today. 4 July 2006. Retrieved 10 January 2009.
4.Jump up ^ "Russia's conversion does not require leaving Orthodox faith: Catholic prelate". Catholic World News. 14 May 2007. Retrieved 10 January 2009.
5.Jump up ^ "Vatican defends duty to evangelize and accept converts". Reuters. 14 December 2007. Retrieved 10 January 2009.
6.Jump up ^ "Doctrinal Note on some Aspects of Evangelization" (PDF). Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith. 3 December 2007. Archived from the original (PDF) on 20 December 2007.
7.Jump up ^ Wright, Christopher (2006). The Mission of God. IVP Academic. ISBN 0-8308-2571-1.
8.Jump up ^ http://journalstar.com/lifestyles/faith-and-values/coming-on-strong-power-team-lifts-weights-and-spirits/article_dbe77b67-99ce-59f4-b994-d0c0e5891228.html
9.Jump up ^ Luis Palau
10.Jump up ^ Jorge Armando Pérez
Further reading[edit]
 Look up evangelism, evangelist, ευαγγελιον, evangelical, or evangelization in Wiktionary, the free dictionary.
Abdiyah Akbar Abdul-Haqq, Sharing Your [Christian] Faith with a Muslim. Minneapolis: Bethany House Publishers, 1980. ISBN 0-87123-553-6
Jay Riley Case, An Unpredictable Gospel: American Evangelicals and World Christianity, 1812-1920. New York: Oxford University Press, 2012.


[show]
v ·
 t ·
 e
 
Religion

















































































































































































































































































































































































































































































  


Categories: Christian missions
Christianity and other religions
Evangelists
Practical theology
Christian religious occupations






Navigation menu



Create account
Log in



Article

Talk









Read

Edit

View history

















Main page
Contents
Featured content
Current events
Random article
Donate to Wikipedia
Wikipedia store

Interaction
Help
About Wikipedia
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Recent changes
Contact page

Tools
What links here
Related changes
Upload file
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Permanent link
Page information
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Cite this page

Print/export
Create a book
Download as PDF
Printable version

Languages
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Polski
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Slovenčina
Српски / srpski
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Edit links
This page was last modified on 19 May 2015, at 08:58.
Text is available under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License; additional terms may apply. By using this site, you agree to the Terms of Use and Privacy Policy. Wikipedia® is a registered trademark of the Wikimedia Foundation, Inc., a non-profit organization.
Privacy policy
About Wikipedia
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Contact Wikipedia
Developers
Mobile view
Wikimedia Foundation
Powered by MediaWiki
 

 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Evangelism