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For total or partial opposition to Judaism and to Jews as a religious group, see Religious antisemitism.
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Antisemitism (also spelled anti-Semitism or anti-semitism) is prejudice against, hatred of, or discrimination against Jews as an ethnic, religious, or racial group.[1][2] A person who holds such positions is called an antisemite. Antisemitism is widely considered to be a form of racism.[3][4]
While the conjunction of the units anti, Semite, and ism indicates antisemitism as being directed against all Semitic people, the term was popularized in Germany in 1873 as a scientific-sounding term for Judenhass (Jew-hatred),[5][6] although it had been used for at least two decades prior,[7] and that has been its normal use since then.[8] For the purposes of a 2005 U.S. governmental report, antisemitism was considered "hatred toward Jews—individually and as a group—that can be attributed to the Jewish religion and/or ethnicity."[9]
Antisemitism may be manifested in many ways, ranging from expressions of hatred of or discrimination against individual Jews to organized violent attacks by mobs, state police, or even military attacks on entire Jewish communities. Although the term did not come into common usage until the 19th century, it is now also applied to historic anti-Jewish incidents. Notable instances of persecution include the pogroms which preceded the First Crusade in 1096, the expulsion from England in 1290, the massacres of Spanish Jews in 1391, the persecutions of the Spanish Inquisition, the expulsion from Spain in 1492, Cossack massacres in Ukraine of 1648–1657, various pogroms in Imperial Russia between 1821 and 1906, the 1894–1906 Dreyfus affair in France, the Holocaust in German-occupied Europe, official Soviet anti-Jewish policies and Arab and Muslim involvement in the Jewish exodus from Arab and Muslim countries.



Contents  [hide]
1 Origin and usage in the context of xenophobia 1.1 Etymology
1.2 Usage
1.3 Definition
1.4 Evolution of usage
2 Manifestations 2.1 Cultural antisemitism
2.2 Religious antisemitism
2.3 Economic antisemitism
2.4 Racial antisemitism
2.5 Political antisemitism
2.6 Conspiracy theories
2.7 New antisemitism
3 History 3.1 Ancient world
3.2 Persecutions in the Middle Ages
3.3 17th century
3.4 Enlightenment
3.5 Islamic antisemitism in the 19th century
3.6 Secular or racial antisemitism
3.7 20th century
3.8 21st-century European antisemitism
3.9 21st-century Arab antisemitism
4 Causes
5 Current situation 5.1 Africa 5.1.1 Egypt
5.2 Asia 5.2.1 Iran
5.2.2 Japan
5.2.3 Lebanon
5.2.4 Malaysia
5.2.5 Palestinian territories
5.2.6 Pakistan
5.2.7 Saudi Arabia
5.2.8 Turkey
5.3 Europe 5.3.1 Austria
5.3.2 France
5.3.3 Germany
5.3.4 Greece
5.3.5 Hungary
5.3.6 Italy
5.3.7 Netherlands
5.3.8 Norway
5.3.9 Russia
5.3.10 Spain
5.3.11 Sweden
5.3.12 Ukraine
5.3.13 United Kingdom
5.4 North America 5.4.1 Canada
5.4.2 United States
5.5 South America 5.5.1 Venezuela

6 See also
7 Notes
8 References
9 Further reading
10 External links

Origin and usage in the context of xenophobia
Etymology
The origin of "antisemitic" terminologies is found in responses of Moritz Steinschneider to the views of Ernest Renan. As Alex Bein writes "The compound anti-Semitism appears to have been used first by Steinschneider, who challenged Renan on account of his 'anti-Semitic prejudices' [i.e., his derogation of the "Semites" as a race]".[10] Avner Falk similarly writes: 'The German word antisemitisch was first used in 1860 by the Austrian Jewish scholar Moritz Steinschneider (1816-1907) in the phrase antisemitische Vorurteile (antisemitic prejudices). Steinschneider used this phrase to characterise the French philosopher Ernest Renan's false ideas about how "Semitic races" were inferior to "Aryan races"'.[11]
Pseudoscientific theories concerning race, civilization, and "progress" had become quite widespread in Europe in the second half of the 19th century, especially as Prussian nationalistic historian Heinrich von Treitschke did much to promote this form of racism. He coined the phrase "the Jews are our misfortune" which would later be widely used by Nazis.[12] In Treitschke's writings "Semitic" was synonymous with "Jewish",[citation needed] in contrast to its use by Renan and others.



 Cover page of Marr's The Way to Victory of Germanicism over Judaism, 1880 edition
In 1873 German journalist Wilhelm Marr published a pamphlet, Der Sieg des Judenthums über das Germanenthum. Vom nicht confessionellen Standpunkt aus betrachtet (The Victory of the Jewish Spirit over the Germanic Spirit. Observed from a non-religious perspective.)[13][page needed]&/or[need quotation to verify] in which he used the word Semitismus interchangeably with the word Judentum to denote both "Jewry" (the Jews as a collective) and "jewishness" (the quality of being Jewish, or the Jewish spirit).
This use of Semitismus was followed by a coining of "Antisemitismus" which was used to indicate opposition to the Jews as a people[citation needed] and opposition to the Jewish spirit, which Marr interpreted as infiltrating German culture. His next pamphlet, Der Weg zum Siege des Germanenthums über das Judenthum (The Way to Victory of the Germanic Spirit over the Jewish Spirit, 1880), presents a development of Marr's ideas further and may present the first published use of the German word Antisemitismus, "antisemitism".
The pamphlet became very popular, and in the same year he founded the Antisemiten-Liga (League of Antisemites),[14] the first German organization committed specifically to combating the alleged threat to Germany and German culture posed by the Jews and their influence, and advocating their forced removal from the country.
So far as can be ascertained, the word was first widely printed in 1881, when Marr published Zwanglose Antisemitische Hefte, and Wilhelm Scherer used the term Antisemiten in the January issue of Neue Freie Presse.
The Jewish Encyclopedia reported: ‘In February 1881, a correspondent of the "Allgemeine Zeitung des Judenthums" speaks of "Anti-Semitism" as a designation which recently came into use ("Allg. Zeit. d. Jud." 1881, p. 138). On 19 July 1882, the editor says, "This quite recent Anti-Semitism is hardly three years old."’[15]
The related term "philosemitism" was coined around 1885.[citation needed]
Usage
Despite the use of the prefix anti-, the term "anti-Semitic" is not a direct opposite of "Semitic" which linguistically makes the term a misnomer. Within common, day to day usage, however, the terms "anti-Semitism" and "antisemitism" have accepted and specific use to describe prejudice against Jews alone and in general.[1][8] This is despite the fact that there are other speakers of Semitic languages (e.g. Arabs, Ethiopians, or Assyrians) and that not all Jews speak a Semitic language.
The term "antisemitic" has been used on occasion with meanings inclusive of bigotry against other Semitic-language peoples such as Arabs, with the validity of such use being challenged.[16][17]
The terms "anti-Semitism" and "antisemitism" are both in use. Some scholars favor the unhyphenated form because, "If you use the hyphenated form, you consider the words 'Semitism', 'Semite', 'Semitic' as meaningful" whereas "in antisemitic parlance, 'Semites' really stands for Jews, just that."[18][19][20][21] For example, Emil Fackenheim supported the unhyphenated spelling, in order to "[dispel] the notion that there is an entity 'Semitism' which 'anti-Semitism' opposes."[22] Others endorsing an unhyphenated term for the same reason include Padraic O'Hare, professor of Religious and Theological Studies and Director of the Center for the Study of Jewish-Christian-Muslim Relations at Merrimack College; Yehuda Bauer, professor of Holocaust Studies at the Avraham Harman Institute of Contemporary Jewry at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem; and James Carroll, historian and novelist. According to Carroll, who first cites O'Hare and Bauer on "the existence of something called 'Semitism'", "the hyphenated word thus reflects the bipolarity that is at the heart of the problem of antisemitism".[23]
Definition
Though the general definition of antisemitism is hostility or prejudice against Jews, and, according to Olaf Blaschke, has become an "umbrella term for negative stereotypes about Jews",[24] a number of authorities have developed more formal definitions.
Holocaust scholar and City University of New York professor Helen Fein defines it as "a persisting latent structure of hostile beliefs towards Jews as a collective manifested in individuals as attitudes, and in culture as myth, ideology, folklore and imagery, and in actions—social or legal discrimination, political mobilization against the Jews, and collective or state violence—which results in and/or is designed to distance, displace, or destroy Jews as Jews."
Elaborating on Fein's definition, Dietz Bering of the University of Cologne writes that, to antisemites, "Jews are not only partially but totally bad by nature, that is, their bad traits are incorrigible. Because of this bad nature: (1) Jews have to be seen not as individuals but as a collective. (2) Jews remain essentially alien in the surrounding societies. (3) Jews bring disaster on their 'host societies' or on the whole world, they are doing it secretly, therefore the anti-Semites feel obliged to unmask the conspiratorial, bad Jewish character."[25]
For Sonja Weinberg, as distinct from economic and religious anti-Judaism, antisemitism in its modern form shows conceptual innovation, a resort to 'science' to defend itself, new functional forms and organisational differences. It was anti-liberal, racialist and nationalist. It promoted the myth that Jews conspired to 'judaise' the world; it served to consolidate social identity; it channeled dissatisfactions among victims of the capitalist system; and it was used as a conservative cultural code to fight emancipation and liberalism.[26]



 Antisemitic caricature by C.Léandre (France, 1898) showing Rothschild with the world in his hands
Bernard Lewis defines antisemitism as a special case of prejudice, hatred, or persecution directed against people who are in some way different from the rest. According to Lewis, antisemitism is marked by two distinct features: Jews are judged according to a standard different from that applied to others, and they are accused of "cosmic evil." Thus, "it is perfectly possible to hate and even to persecute Jews without necessarily being anti-Semitic" unless this hatred or persecution displays one of the two features specific to antisemitism.[27]
There have been a number of efforts by international and governmental bodies to define antisemitism formally. The U.S. Department of State states that "while there is no universally accepted definition, there is a generally clear understanding of what the term encompasses." For the purposes of its 2005 Report on Global Anti-Semitism, the term was considered to mean "hatred toward Jews—individually and as a group—that can be attributed to the Jewish religion and/or ethnicity."[9]
In 2005, the European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia (now Fundamental Rights Agency), then an agency of the European Union, developed a more detailed working definition, which states: "Antisemitism is a certain perception of Jews, which may be expressed as hatred toward Jews. Rhetorical and physical manifestations of antisemitism are directed toward Jewish or non-Jewish individuals and/or their property, toward Jewish community institutions and religious facilities." It adds "such manifestations could also target the state of Israel, conceived as a Jewish collectivity." It provides contemporary examples of ways in which antisemitism may manifest itself, including: promoting the harming of Jews in the name of an ideology or religion; promoting negative stereotypes of Jews; holding Jews collectively responsible for the actions of an individual Jewish person or group; denying the Holocaust or accusing Jews or Israel of exaggerating it; and accusing Jews of dual loyalty or a greater allegiance to Israel than their own country. It also lists ways in which attacking Israel could be antisemitic, and states that denying the Jewish people their right to self-determination, e.g. by claiming that the existence of a state of Israel is a racist endeavor, can be a manifestation of antisemitism—as can applying double standards by requiring of Israel a behavior not expected or demanded of any other democratic nation, or holding Jews collectively responsible for actions of the State of Israel.[28] Late in 2013, the definition was removed from the website of the Fundamental Rights Agency. A spokesperson said that it had never been regarded as official and that the agency did not intend to develop its own definition.[29]



 1889 Paris, France elections poster for self-described "candidat antisémite" Adolphe Willette: "The Jews are a different race, hostile to our own... Judaism, there is the enemy!" (see file for complete translation)
Evolution of usage
In 1879, Wilhelm Marr founded the Antisemiten-Liga (Anti-Semitic League).[30] Identification with antisemitism and as an antisemite was politically advantageous in Europe in the latter 19th century. For example, Karl Lueger, the popular mayor of fin de siècle Vienna, skillfully exploited antisemitism as a way of channeling public discontent to his political advantage.[31] In its 1910 obituary of Lueger, The New York Times notes that Lueger was "Chairman of the Christian Social Union of the Parliament and of the Anti-Semitic Union of the Diet of Lower Austria.[32] In 1895 A. C. Cuza organized the Alliance Anti-semitique Universelle in Bucharest. In the period before World War II, when animosity towards Jews was far more commonplace, it was not uncommon for a person, organization, or political party to self-identify as an antisemite or antisemitic.
In 1882, the early Zionist pioneer Judah Leib Pinsker wrote that antisemitism was a psychological response rooted in fear and was an inherited predisposition. He named the condition Judeophobia.[33]

Judeophobia is a variety of demonopathy with the distinction that it is not peculiar to particular races but is common to the whole of mankind.'...'Judeophobia is a psychic aberration. As a psychic aberration it is hereditary, and as a disease transmitted for two thousand years it is incurable.'... 'In this way have Judaism and Anti-Semitism passed for centuries through history as inseparable companions.'......'Having analyzed Judeophobia as an hereditary form of demonopathy, peculiar to the human race, and having represented Anti-Semitism as proceeding from an inherited aberration of the human mind, we must draw the important conclusion that we must give' up contending against these hostile impulses as we must against every other inherited predisposition. (translation from German)[34]
In the aftermath of the Kristallnacht pogrom in 1938, German propaganda minister Goebbels announced: "The German people is anti-Semitic. It has no desire to have its rights restricted or to be provoked in the future by parasites of the Jewish race."[35]
After the 1945 victory of the Allies over Nazi Germany, and particularly after the extent of the Nazi genocide of Jews became known, the term "anti-Semitism" acquired pejorative connotations. This marked a full circle shift in usage, from an era just decades earlier when "Jew" was used as a pejorative term.[36][37] Yehuda Bauer wrote in 1984: "There are no anti-Semites in the world... Nobody says, 'I am anti-Semitic.' You cannot, after Hitler. The word has gone out of fashion."[38]
Manifestations



 Jews (identified by the mandatory Jewish badge and Jewish hat) being burned during the Black Death in 1348.
Antisemitism manifests itself in a variety of ways. René König mentions social antisemitism, economic antisemitism, religious antisemitism, and political antisemitism as examples. König points out that these different forms demonstrate that the "origins of anti-Semitic prejudices are rooted in different historical periods." König asserts that differences in the chronology of different antisemitic prejudices and the irregular distribution of such prejudices over different segments of the population create "serious difficulties in the definition of the different kinds of anti-Semitism."[39] These difficulties may contribute to the existence of different taxonomies that have been developed to categorize the forms of antisemitism. The forms identified are substantially the same; it is primarily the number of forms and their definitions that differ. Bernard Lazare identifies three forms of antisemitism: Christian antisemitism, economic antisemitism, and ethnologic antisemitism.[40] William Brustein names four categories: religious, racial, economic and political.[41] The Roman Catholic historian Edward Flannery distinguished four varieties of antisemitism:[42]
political and economic antisemitism, giving as examples Cicero[43] and Charles Lindbergh;[44]
theological or religious antisemitism, sometimes known as anti-Judaism;[45]
nationalistic antisemitism, citing Voltaire and other Enlightenment thinkers, who attacked Jews for supposedly having certain characteristics, such as greed and arrogance, and for observing customs such as kashrut and Shabbat;[46]
and racial antisemitism, with its extreme form resulting in the Holocaust by the Nazis.[47]
Louis Harap separates "economic antisemitism" and merges "political" and "nationalistic" antisemitism into "ideological antisemitism". Harap also adds a category of "social antisemitism".[48]
religious (Jew as Christ-killer),
economic (Jew as banker, usurer, money-obsessed),
social (Jew as social inferior, "pushy," vulgar, therefore excluded from personal contact),
racist (Jews as an inferior "race"),
ideological (Jews regarded as subversive or revolutionary),
cultural (Jews regarded as undermining the moral and structural fiber of civilization).
Gustavo Perednik has argued that what he terms "Judeophobia" has a number of unique traits which set it apart from other forms of racism, including permanence, depth, obsessiveness, irrationality, endurance, ubiquity, and danger.[49] He also wrote in his book Spain Derailed that "The Jews were accused by the nationalists of being the creators of Communism; by the Communists of ruling Capitalism. If they live in non-Jewish countries, they are accused of double-loyalties; if they live in the Jewish country, of being racists. When they spend their money, they are reproached for being ostentatious; when they don't spend their money, of being avaricious. They are called rootless cosmopolitans or hardened chauvinists. If they assimilate, they are accused of fifth-columnists, if they don't, of shutting themselves away."[50]
Cultural antisemitism
Louis Harap defines cultural antisemitism as "that species of anti-Semitism that charges the Jews with corrupting a given culture and attempting to supplant or succeeding in supplanting the preferred culture with a uniform, crude, "Jewish" culture.[51] Similarly, Eric Kandel characterizes cultural antisemitism as being based on the idea of "Jewishness" as a "religious or cultural tradition that is acquired through learning, through distinctive traditions and education." According to Kandel, this form of antisemitism views Jews as possessing "unattractive psychological and social characteristics that are acquired through acculturation."[52] Niewyk and Nicosia characterize cultural antisemitism as focusing on and condemning "the Jews' aloofness from the societies in which they live."[53] An important feature of cultural antisemitism is that it considers the negative attributes of Judaism to be redeemable by education or religious conversion.[54]
Religious antisemitism
See also: Anti-Judaism, Christianity and antisemitism and Islam and antisemitism



 Execution of Mariana de Carabajal (converted Jew), accused of a relapse into Judaism, Mexico City, 1601
Religious antisemitism, also known as anti-Judaism, is antipathy against the perceived religious beliefs of Jews. In theory, antisemitism and attacks against individual Jews would stop if Jews stopped practicing Judaism or changed their public faith, especially by conversion to the official or right religion. However, in some cases discrimination continues after conversion, as in the case of Christianized Marranos or Iberian Jews in the late 15th century and 16th century suspected of secretly practising Judaism or Jewish customs.[42]
Although the origins of antisemitism are rooted in the Judeo-Christian conflict, religious antisemitism, other forms of antisemitism have developed in modern times. Frederick Schweitzer asserts that, "most scholars ignore the Christian foundation on which the modern antisemitic edifice rests and invoke political antisemitism, cultural antisemitism, racism or racial antisemitism, economic antisemitism and the like."[55] William Nichols draws a distinction between religious antisemitism and modern antisemitism based on racial or ethnic grounds: "The dividing line was the possibility of effective conversion... a Jew ceased to be a Jew upon baptism." From the perspective of racial antisemitism, however, "... the assimilated Jew was still a Jew, even after baptism.... From the Enlightenment onward, it is no longer possible to draw clear lines of distinction between religious and racial forms of hostility towards Jews... Once Jews have been emancipated and secular thinking makes its appearance, without leaving behind the old Christian hostility towards Jews, the new term antisemitism becomes almost unavoidable, even before explicitly racist doctrines appear."
Economic antisemitism
The underlying premise of economic antisemitism is that Jews perform harmful economic activities or that economic activities become harmful when they are performed by Jews.[56]
Linking Jews and money underpins the most damaging and lasting Antisemitic canards.[57] Antisemites claim that Jews control the world finances, a theory promoted in the fraudulent Protocols of the Elders of Zion, and later repeated by Henry Ford and his Dearborn Independent. In the modern era, such myths continue to be spread in books such as The Secret Relationship Between Blacks and Jews published by the Nation of Islam, and on the internet. Derek Penslar writes that there are two components to the financial canards:[58]
a) Jews are savages that "are temperamentally incapable of performing honest labor"b) Jews are "leaders of a financial cabal seeking world domination"
Abraham Foxman describes six facets of the financial canards:
1.All Jews are wealthy[59]
2.Jews are stingy and greedy[60]
3.Powerful Jews control the business world[61]
4.Jewish religion emphasizes profit and materialism[62]
5.It is okay for Jews to cheat non-Jews[63]
6.Jews use their power to benefit "their own kind"[64]
Gerald Krefetz summarizes the myth as "[Jews] control the banks, the money supply, the economy, and businesses—of the community, of the country, of the world".[65] Krefetz gives, as illustrations, many slurs and proverbs (in several different languages) which suggest that Jews are stingy, or greedy, or miserly, or aggressive bargainers.[66] During the nineteenth century, Jews were described as "scurrilous, stupid, and tight-fisted", but after the Jewish Emancipation and the rise of Jews to the middle- or upper-class in Europe were portrayed as "clever, devious, and manipulative financiers out to dominate [world finances]".[67]
Léon Poliakov asserts that economic antisemitism is not a distinct form of antisemitism, but merely a manifestation of theologic antisemitism (because, without the theological causes of the economic antisemitism, there would be no economic antisemitism). In opposition to this view, Derek Penslar contends that in the modern era, the economic antisemitism is "distinct and nearly constant" but theological antisemitism is "often subdued".[68]
An academic study by Francesco D’Acunto, Marcel Prokopczuk, and Michael Weber showed that people who live in areas of Germany that contain the most brutal history of anti-Semitic persecution are more likely to be distrustful of finance in general. Therefore, they tended to invest less money in the stock market and make poor financial decisions. The study concluded "that the persecution of minorities reduces not only the long-term wealth of the persecuted, but of the persecutors as well."[69]
Racial antisemitism
Main article: Racial antisemitism



 Jewish Soviet soldier taken prisoner by the German Army, August 1941. At least 50,000 Jewish soldiers were shot after selection.
Racial antisemitism is prejudice against Jews as a racial/ethnic group, rather than Judaism as a religion.[70]
Racial antisemitism is the idea that the Jews are a distinct and inferior race compared to their host nations. In the late 19th century and early 20th century, it gained mainstream acceptance as part of the eugenics movement, which categorized non-Europeans as inferior. It more specifically claimed that Northern Europeans, or "Aryans", were superior. Racial antisemites saw the Jews as part of a Semitic race and emphasized their non-European origins and culture. They saw Jews as beyond redemption even if they converted to the majority religion.[citation needed]
Racial antisemitism replaced the hatred of Judaism with the hatred of Jews as a group. In the context of the Industrial Revolution, following the Jewish Emancipation, Jews rapidly urbanized and experienced a period of greater social mobility. With the decreasing role of religion in public life tempering religious antisemitism, a combination of growing nationalism, the rise of eugenics, and resentment at the socio-economic success of the Jews led to the newer, and more virulent, racist antisemitism.[citation needed]
According to William Nichols, religious antisemitism may be distinguished from modern antisemitism based on racial or ethnic grounds. "The dividing line was the possibility of effective conversion... a Jew ceased to be a Jew upon baptism." However, with racial antisemitism, "Now the assimilated Jew was still a Jew, even after baptism.... From the Enlightenment onward, it is no longer possible to draw clear lines of distinction between religious and racial forms of hostility towards Jews... Once Jews have been emancipated and secular thinking makes its appearance, without leaving behind the old Christian hostility towards Jews, the new term antisemitism becomes almost unavoidable, even before explicitly racist doctrines appear."[71]
In the early 19th century, a number of laws enabling emancipation of the Jews were enacted in Western European countries.[72][73] The old laws restricting them to ghettos, as well as the many laws that limited their property rights, rights of worship and occupation, were rescinded. Despite this, traditional discrimination and hostility to Jews on religious grounds persisted and was supplemented by racial antisemitism, encouraged by the work of racial theorists such as Joseph Arthur de Gobineau and particularly his Essay on the Inequality of the Human Race of 1853–5. Nationalist agendas based on ethnicity, known as ethnonationalism, usually excluded the Jews from the national community as an alien race.[74] Allied to this were theories of Social Darwinism, which stressed a putative conflict between higher and lower races of human beings. Such theories, usually posited by northern Europeans, advocated the superiority of white Aryans to Semitic Jews.[75]
Political antisemitism
"The whole problem of the Jews exists only in nation states, for here their energy and higher intelligence, their accumulated capital of spirit and will, gathered from generation to generation through a long schooling in suffering, must become so preponderant as to arouse mass envy and hatred. In almost all contemporary nations, therefore - in direct proportion to the degree to which they act up nationalistially - the literary obscenity of leading the Jews to slaughter as scapegoats of every conceivable public and internal misfortune is spreading."
— Friedrich Nietzsche, 1886, [MA 1 475][76]
William Brustein defines political antisemitism as hostility toward Jews based on the belief that Jews seek national and/or world power." Yisrael Gutman characterizes political antisemitism as tending to "lay responsibility on the Jews for defeats and political economic crises" while seeking to "exploit opposition and resistance to Jewish influence as elements in political party platforms."[77]
According to Viktor Karády, political antisemitism became widespread after the legal emancipation of the Jews and sought to reverse some of the consequences of that emancipation. [78]
Conspiracy theories
See also: List of conspiracy theories § Antisemitic conspiracy theories
Holocaust denial and Jewish conspiracy theories are also considered a form of antisemitism.[79][80][81][82][83][83] [84] [85] Zoological conspiracy theories have been propagated by the Arab media and Arabic language websites, alleging a "Zionist plot" behind the use of animals to attack civilians or to conduct espionage.[86]
New antisemitism
Main article: New antisemitism
Starting in the 1990s, some scholars have advanced the concept of new antisemitism, coming simultaneously from the left, the right, and radical Islam, which tends to focus on opposition to the creation of a Jewish homeland in the State of Israel,[87] and they argue that the language of anti-Zionism and criticism of Israel are used to attack Jews more broadly. In this view, the proponents of the new concept believe that criticisms of Israel and Zionism are often disproportionate in degree and unique in kind, and they attribute this to antisemitism. Jewish scholar Gustavo Perednik has posited that anti-Zionism in itself represents a form of discrimination against Jews, in that it singles out Jewish national aspirations as an illegitimate and racist endeavor, and "proposes actions that would result in the death of millions of Jews".[88][89] It is asserted that the new antisemitism deploys traditional antisemitic motifs, including older motifs such as the blood libel.[87]
Critics of the concept view it as trivializing the meaning of antisemitism, and as exploiting antisemitism in order to silence debate and to deflect attention from legitimate criticism of the State of Israel, and, by associating anti-Zionism with antisemitism, misused to taint anyone opposed to Israeli actions and policies.[90]
History
Main article: History of antisemitism



 The massacre of the Banu Qurayza, a Jewish tribe of Medina, 627
Many authors see the roots of modern antisemitism in both pagan antiquity and early Christianity. Jerome Chanes identifies six stages in the historical development of antisemitism:[91]
1.Pre-Christian anti-Judaism in ancient Greece and Rome which was primarily ethnic in nature
2.Christian antisemitism in antiquity and the Middle Ages which was religious in nature and has extended into modern times
3.Traditional Muslim antisemitism which was—at least, in its classical form—nuanced in that Jews were a protected class
4.Political, social and economic antisemitism of Enlightenment and post-Enlightenment Europe which laid the groundwork for racial antisemitism
5.Racial antisemitism that arose in the 19th century and culminated in Nazism in the 20th century
6.Contemporary antisemitism which has been labeled by some as the New Antisemitism
Chanes suggests that these six stages could be merged into three categories: "ancient antisemitism, which was primarily ethnic in nature; Christian antisemitism, which was religious; and the racial antisemitism of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries."[92]
Ancient world
The first clear examples of anti-Jewish sentiment can be traced back to Alexandria in the 3rd century BCE.[42] Alexandria was home to the largest Jewish diaspora community in the world at the time and the Septuagint, a Greek translation of the Hebrew Bible, was produced there. Manetho, an Egyptian priest and historian of that era, wrote scathingly of the Jews. His themes are repeated in the works of Chaeremon, Lysimachus, Poseidonius, Apollonius Molon, and in Apion and Tacitus.[93] Agatharchides of Cnidus ridiculed the practices of the Jews and the "absurdity of their Law", making a mocking reference to how Ptolemy Lagus was able to invade Jerusalem in 320 BCE because its inhabitants were observing the Shabbat.[93] One of the earliest anti-Jewish edicts, promulgated by Antiochus IV Epiphanes in about 170–167 BCE, sparked a revolt of the Maccabees in Judea.
In view of Manetho's anti-Jewish writings, antisemitism may have originated in Egypt and been spread by "the Greek retelling of Ancient Egyptian prejudices".[94] The ancient Jewish philosopher Philo of Alexandria describes an attack on Jews in Alexandria in 38 CE in which thousands of Jews died.[95][96] The violence in Alexandria may have been caused by the Jews being portrayed as misanthropes.[97] Tcherikover argues that the reason for hatred of Jews in the Hellenistic period was their separateness in the Greek cities, the poleis.[98] Bohak has argued, however, that early animosity against the Jews cannot be regarded as being anti-Judaic or antisemitic unless it arose from attitudes that were held against the Jews alone, and that many Greeks showed animosity toward any group they regarded as barbarians.[99] Statements exhibiting prejudice against Jews and their religion can be found in the works of many pagan Greek and Roman writers.[100] Edward Flannery writes that it was the Jews' refusal to accept Greek religious and social standards that marked them out. Hecataetus of Abdera, a Greek historian of the early third century BCE, wrote that Moses "in remembrance of the exile of his people, instituted for them a misanthropic and inhospitable way of life." Manetho, an Egyptian historian, wrote that the Jews were expelled Egyptian lepers who had been taught by Moses "not to adore the gods." Edward Flannery describes antisemitism in ancient times as essentially "cultural, taking the shape of a national xenophobia played out in political settings."[42]
There are examples of Hellenistic rulers desecrating the Temple and banning Jewish religious practices, such as circumcision, Shabbat observance, study of Jewish religious books, etc. Examples may also be found in anti-Jewish riots in Alexandria in the 3rd century BCE.
The Jewish diaspora on the Nile island Elephantine, which was founded by mercenaries, experienced the destruction of its temple in 410 BCE.[101]
Relationships between the Jewish people and the occupying Roman Empire were at times antagonistic and resulted in several rebellions. According to Suetonius, the emperor Tiberius expelled from Rome Jews who had gone to live there. The 18th-century English historian Edward Gibbon identified a more tolerant period in Roman-Jewish relations beginning in about 160 CE.[42] However, when Christianity became the state religion of the Roman Empire, the state's attitude towards the Jews gradually worsened.
James Carroll asserted: "Jews accounted for 10% of the total population of the Roman Empire. By that ratio, if other factors such as pogroms and conversions had not intervened, there would be 200 million Jews in the world today, instead of something like 13 million."[102][103]
Persecutions in the Middle Ages
Main article: Jews in the Middle Ages
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From the 9th century CE, the medieval Islamic world classified Jews (and Christians) as dhimmi, and allowed Jews to practice their religion more freely than they could do in medieval Christian Europe. Under Islamic rule, there was a Golden age of Jewish culture in Spain that lasted until at least the 11th century.[104] It ended when several Muslim pogroms against Jews took place on the Iberian Peninsula, including those that occurred in Córdoba in 1011 and in Granada in 1066.[105][106][107] Several decrees ordering the destruction of synagogues were also enacted in Egypt, Syria, Iraq and Yemen from the 11th century. In addition, Jews were forced to convert to Islam or face death in some parts of Yemen, Morocco and Baghdad several times between the 12th and 18th centuries.[108] The Almohads, who had taken control of the Almoravids' Maghribi and Andalusian territories by 1147,[109] were far more fundamentalist in outlook compared to their predecessors, and they treated the dhimmis harshly. Faced with the choice of either death or conversion, many Jews and Christians emigrated.[110][111][112] Some, such as the family of Maimonides, fled east to more tolerant Muslim lands,[110] while some others went northward to settle in the growing Christian kingdoms.[113]
During the Middle Ages in Europe there was persecution against Jews in many places, with blood libels, expulsions, forced conversions and massacres. A main justification of prejudice against Jews in Europe was religious.
The persecution hit its first peak during the Crusades. In the First Crusade (1096) hundreds or even thousands of Jews were killed as the crusaders arrived.[114] This was the first major outbreak of anti-Jewish violence Christian Europe outside Spain and was cited by Zionists in the 19th century as indicating the need for a state of Israel.[115]
In the Second Crusade (1147) the Jews in Germany were subject to several massacres. The Jews were also subjected to attacks by the Shepherds' Crusades of 1251 and 1320. The Crusades were followed by expulsions, including, in 1290, the banishing of all English Jews; in 1394, the expulsion of 100,000[citation needed] Jews in France; and in 1421, the expulsion of thousands from Austria. Many of the expelled Jews fled to Poland.[116] In medieval and Renaissance Europe, a major contributor to the deepening of antisemitic sentiment and legal action among the Christian populations was the popular preaching of the zealous reform religious orders, the Franciscans (especially Bernardino of Feltre) and Dominicans (especially Vincent Ferrer), who combed Europe and promoted antisemitism through their often fiery, emotional appeals.[117]
As the Black Death epidemics devastated Europe in the mid-14th century, causing the death of a large part of the population, Jews were used as scapegoats. Rumors spread that they caused the disease by deliberately poisoning wells. Hundreds of Jewish communities were destroyed. Although Pope Clement VI tried to protect them by issuing two papal bulls in 1348, the first on 6 July and an additional one several months later, 900 Jews were burned alive in Strasbourg, where the plague had not yet affected the city.[118]
17th century
During the mid-to-late 17th century the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth was devastated by several conflicts, in which the Commonwealth lost over a third of its population (over 3 million people), and Jewish losses were counted in the hundreds of thousands. The first of these conflicts was the Khmelnytsky Uprising, when Bohdan Khmelnytsky's supporters massacred tens of thousands of Jews in the eastern and southern areas he controlled (today's Ukraine). The precise number of dead may never be known, but the decrease of the Jewish population during that period is estimated at 100,000 to 200,000, which also includes emigration, deaths from diseases and captivity in the Ottoman Empire, called jasyr.[119][120]
European immigrants to the United States brought antisemitism to the country as early as the 17th century. Peter Stuyvesant, the Dutch governor of New Amsterdam, implemented plans to prevent Jews from settling in the city. During the Colonial Era, the American government limited the political and economic rights of Jews. It was not until the Revolutionary War that Jews gained legal rights, including the right to vote. However, even at their peak, the restrictions on Jews in the United States were never as stringent as they had been in Europe.[121]
In the Zaydi imamate of Yemen, Jews were also singled out for discrimination in the 17th century, which culminated in the general expulsion of all Jews from places in Yemen to the arid coastal plain of Tihamah and which became known as the Mawza Exile.[122]
Enlightenment
In 1744, Frederick II of Prussia limited the number of Jews allowed to live in Breslau to only ten so-called "protected" Jewish families and encouraged a similar practice in other Prussian cities. In 1750 he issued the Revidiertes General Privilegium und Reglement vor die Judenschaft: the "protected" Jews had an alternative to "either abstain from marriage or leave Berlin" (quoting Simon Dubnow). In the same year, Archduchess of Austria Maria Theresa ordered Jews out of Bohemia but soon reversed her position, on the condition that Jews pay for their readmission every ten years. This extortion was known as malke-geld (queen's money). In 1752 she introduced the law limiting each Jewish family to one son. In 1782, Joseph II abolished most of these persecution practices in his Toleranzpatent, on the condition that Yiddish and Hebrew were eliminated from public records and that judicial autonomy was annulled. Moses Mendelssohn wrote that "Such a tolerance... is even more dangerous play in tolerance than open persecution."
In 1772, the empress of Russia Catherine II forced the Jews of the Pale of Settlement to stay in their shtetls and forbade them from returning to the towns that they occupied before the partition of Poland.[123]
According to Arnold Ages, Voltaire's "Lettres philosophiques, Dictionnaire philosophique, and Candide, to name but a few of his better known works, are saturated with comments on Jews and Judaism and the vast majority are negative".[124] Paul H. Meyer adds: "There is no question but that Voltaire, particularly in his latter years, nursed a violent hatred of the Jews and it is equally certain that his animosity...did have a considerable impact on public opinion in France."[125] Thirty of the 118 articles in Voltaire's Dictionnaire Philosophique concerned Jews and described them in consistently negative ways,[126]
Islamic antisemitism in the 19th century
Historian Martin Gilbert writes that it was in the 19th century that the position of Jews worsened in Muslim countries. Benny Morris writes that one symbol of Jewish degradation was the phenomenon of stone-throwing at Jews by Muslim children. Morris quotes a 19th-century traveler: "I have seen a little fellow of six years old, with a troop of fat toddlers of only three and four, teaching [them] to throw stones at a Jew, and one little urchin would, with the greatest coolness, waddle up to the man and literally spit upon his Jewish gaberdine. To all this the Jew is obliged to submit; it would be more than his life was worth to offer to strike a Mahommedan."[127]
In the middle of the 19th century, J. J. Benjamin wrote about the life of Persian Jews, describing conditions and beliefs that went back to the 16th century: "…they are obliged to live in a separate part of town… Under the pretext of their being unclean, they are treated with the greatest severity and should they enter a street, inhabited by Mussulmans, they are pelted by the boys and mobs with stones and dirt…."[128]
Secular or racial antisemitism
In 1850 the German composer Richard Wagner published Das Judenthum in der Musik ("Jewishness in Music") under a pseudonym in the Neue Zeitschrift für Musik. The essay began as an attack on Jewish composers, particularly Wagner's contemporaries (and rivals) Felix Mendelssohn and Giacomo Meyerbeer, but expanded to accuse Jews of being a harmful and alien element in German culture. Antisemitism can also be found in many of the Grimms' Fairy Tales by Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm, published from 1812 to 1857. It is mainly characterized by Jews being the villain of a story, such as in "The Good Bargain (Der gute Handel)" and "The Jew Among Thorns (Der Jude im Dorn)."
The middle 19th century saw continued official harassment of the Jews, especially in Eastern Europe under Czarist influence. For example, in 1846, 80 Jews approached the governor in Warsaw to retain the right to wear their traditional dress, but were immediately rebuffed by having their hair and beards forcefully cut, at their own expense.[129]
In America, even such influential figures as Walt Whitman tolerated bigotry toward the Jews. During his time as editor of the Brooklyn Eagle (1846-1848), the newspaper published historical sketches casting Jews in a bad light.[130]
The Dreyfus Affair was an infamous antisemitic event of the late 19th century and early 20th century. Alfred Dreyfus, a Jewish artillery captain in the French Army, was accused in 1894 of passing secrets to the Germans. As a result of these charges, Dreyfus was convicted and sentenced to life imprisonment on Devil's Island. The actual spy, Marie Charles Esterhazy, was acquitted. The event caused great uproar among the French, with the public choosing sides on the issue of whether Dreyfus was actually guilty or not. Émile Zola accused the army of corrupting the French justice system. However, general consensus held that Dreyfus was guilty: 80% of the press in France condemned him. This attitude among the majority of the French population reveals the underlying antisemitism of the time period.[131]
Adolf Stoecker (1835–1909), the Lutheran court chaplain to Kaiser Wilhelm I, founded in 1878 an antisemitic, anti-liberal political party called the Christian Social Party.[132][133] This party always remained small, and its support dwindled after Stoecker's death, with most of its members eventually joining larger conservative groups such as the German National People's Party.
Some scholars view Karl Marx's essay On The Jewish Question as antisemitic, and argue that he often used antisemitic epithets in his published and private writings.[134][135][136] These scholars argue that Marx equated Judaism with capitalism in his essay, helping to spread that idea. Some further argue that the essay influenced National Socialist, as well as Soviet and Arab antisemites.[137][138][139] Marx himself had Jewish ancestry, and Albert Lindemann and Hyam Maccoby have suggested that he was embarrassed by it.[140][141] Others argue that Marx consistently supported Prussian Jewish communities' struggles to achieve equal political rights. These scholars argue that "On the Jewish Question" is a critique of Bruno Bauer's arguments that Jews must convert to Christianity before being emancipated, and is more generally a critique of liberal rights discourses and capitalism.[142][143][144][145] David McLellan and Francis Wheen argue that readers should interpret On the Jewish Question in the deeper context of Marx's debates with Bruno Bauer, author of The Jewish Question, about Jewish emancipation in Germany. According to McLellan, Marx used the word Judentum colloquially, as meaning commerce, arguing that Germans must be emancipated from the capitalist mode of production not Judaism or Jews in particular.[146]
20th century



 The victims of a 1905 pogrom in Yekaterinoslav
Between 1900 and 1924, approximately 1.75 million Jews migrated to America, the bulk from Eastern Europe. Before 1900 American Jews had always amounted to less than 1% of America's total population, but by 1930 Jews formed about 3.5%. This increase, combined with the upward social mobility of some Jews, contributed to a resurgence of antisemitism. In the first half of the 20th century, in the USA, Jews were discriminated against in employment, access to residential and resort areas, membership in clubs and organizations, and in tightened quotas on Jewish enrolment and teaching positions in colleges and universities. The lynching of Leo Frank by a mob of prominent citizens in Marietta, Georgia in 1915 turned the spotlight on antisemitism in the United States.[147] The case was also used to build support for the renewal of the Ku Klux Klan which had been inactive since 1870.[148]
At the beginning of the 20th century, the Beilis Trial in Russia represented incidents of blood-libel in Europe. Christians used allegations of Jews killing Christians as a justification for the killing of Jews.
Antisemitism in America reached its peak during the interwar period. The pioneer automobile manufacturer Henry Ford propagated antisemitic ideas in his newspaper The Dearborn Independent (published by Ford from 1919 to 1927). The radio speeches of Father Coughlin in the late 1930s attacked Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal and promoted the notion of a Jewish financial conspiracy. Some prominent politicians shared such views: Louis T. McFadden, Chairman of the United States House Committee on Banking and Currency, blamed Jews for Roosevelt's decision to abandon the gold standard, and claimed that "in the United States today, the Gentiles have the slips of paper while the Jews have the lawful money".[149]



Einsatzgruppe A members shoot Jews on the outskirts of Kaunas, 1941–1942
In the early 1940s the aviator Charles Lindbergh and many prominent Americans led The America First Committee in opposing any involvement in the war against Fascism. During his July 1936 visit to Germany, Lindbergh wrote letters saying that there was "more intelligent leadership in Germany than is generally recognized". The German American Bund held parades in New York City during the late 1930s, where members wore Nazi uniforms and raised flags featuring swastikas alongside American flags. Sometimes race riots, as in Detroit in 1943, targeted Jewish businesses for looting and burning.[150]



 A wagon piled high with corpses outside the crematorium at the recently liberated Buchenwald concentration camp
In Germany, Nazism led Adolf Hitler and the Nazi Party, who came to power on 30 January 1933, instituted repressive legislation denying the Jews basic civil rights. In 1935, the Nuremberg Laws prohibited sexual relations and marriages between "Aryans" and Jews as Rassenschande ("race disgrace") and stripped all German Jews, even quarter- and half-Jews, from their citizenship, (their official title became "subjects of the state"). It instituted a pogrom on the night of 9–10 November 1938, dubbed Kristallnacht, in which Jews were killed, their property destroyed and their synagogues torched.[151] Antisemitic laws, agitation and propaganda were extended to German-occupied Europe in the wake of conquest, often building on local antisemitic traditions. In the east the Third Reich forced Jews into ghettos in Warsaw, Kraków, Lvov, Lublin and Radom.[152] After the invasion of the Soviet Union in 1941 a campaign of mass murder, conducted by the Einsatzgruppen, culminated from 1942 to 1945 in systematic genocide: the Holocaust.[153] Eleven million Jews were targeted for extermination by the Nazis, and some six million were eventually killed.[153][154][155]
Antisemitism was commonly used as an instrument for personal conflicts in the Soviet Union, starting from conflict between Joseph Stalin and Leon Trotsky and continuing through numerous conspiracy-theories spread by official propaganda. Antisemitism in the USSR reached new heights after 1948 during the campaign against the "rootless cosmopolitan" (euphemism for "Jew") in which numerous Yiddish-language poets, writers, painters and sculptors were killed or arrested.[156][157] This culminated in the so-called Doctors' Plot (1952–1953). Similar antisemitic propaganda in Poland resulted in the flight of Polish Jewish survivors from the country.[157]
After the war, the Kielce pogrom and "March 1968 events" in communist Poland represented further incidents of antisemitism in Europe. The anti-Jewish violence in postwar Poland has a common theme of blood-libel rumours.[158][159]
In 1965 Pope Paul VI issued a papal decree disbanding the cult of Simon of Trent, the shrine erected to him was dismantled,[160] and Simon was decanonized.[161]
21st-century European antisemitism
Further information: Antisemitism in Europe § In the 21st century
21st-century Arab antisemitism
Main article: Antisemitism in the Arab world



 Displaced Iraqi Jews arrive in Israel in 1951 during the Jewish exodus from Arab and Muslim countries
Robert Bernstein, founder of Human Rights Watch, says that antisemitism is "deeply ingrained and institutionalized" in "Arab nations in modern times."[162]
In a 2011 survey by the Pew Research Center, all of the Muslim-majority Middle Eastern countries polled held strongly negative views of Jews. In the questionnaire, only 2% of Egyptians, 3% of Lebanese Muslims, and 2% of Jordanians reported having a positive view of Jews. Muslim-majority countries outside the Middle East held similarly negative views, with 4% of Turks and 9% of Indonesians viewing Jews favorably.[163]
According to a 2011 exhibition at the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum in Washington, United States, some of the dialogue from Middle East media and commentators about Jews bear a striking resemblance to Nazi propaganda.[164] According to Josef Joffe of Newsweek, "anti-Semitism—the real stuff, not just bad-mouthing particular Israeli policies—is as much part of Arab life today as the hijab or the hookah. Whereas this darkest of creeds is no longer tolerated in polite society in the West, in the Arab world, Jew hatred remains culturally endemic."[165]
Muslim clerics in the Middle East have frequently referred to Jews as descendants of apes and pigs, which are conventional epithets for Jews and Christians.[166][167][168]
According to professor Robert Wistrich, director of the Vidal Sassoon International Center for the Study of Antisemitism (SICSA), the calls for the destruction of Israel by Iran or by Hamas, Hezbollah, Islamic Jihad, or the Muslim Brotherhood, represent a contemporary mode of genocidal antisemitism.[169]
Causes
[icon] This section requires expansion. (July 2011)
Dean Phillip Bell documents and enumerates a number of categories and causes for anti-Jewish sentiment. He describes political, social, and pseudo-scientific efforts to separate Jews from "civil" society and notes that antisemitism was part of a larger attempt to differentiate status based on racial background. Bell writes, "Socio-psychological explanations focus on concepts of projected guilt and displaced aggression, the search for a scapegoat. Ethnic explanations associated marginalization, or negative representation of the Other, with perceived ethnic differences. Xenophobia ascribes anti-Jewish sentiment to broader concern over minority groups within a national or regional identity.[170]
There are a number of antisemitic canards which are used to fuel and justify antisemitic sentiment and activities. These include conspiracy theories and myths such as: that Jews killed Christ, poisoned wells, killed Christian children to use their blood for making matzos (the Blood libel), or "made up" the Holocaust, plot to control the world (the Protocols of the Elders of Zion), harvest organs, and other invented stories. A number of conspiracy theories also include accusations that Jews control the media or global financial institutions.
Current situation
[icon] This section requires expansion. (February 2014)
A March 2008 report by the U.S. State Department found that there was an increase in antisemitism across the world, and that both old and new expressions of antisemitism persist.[171] A 2012 report by the U.S. Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor also noted a continued global increase in antisemitism, and found that Holocaust denial and opposition to Israeli policy at times was used to promote or justify blatant antisemitism.[172]
Africa
Egypt
In Egypt, Dar al-Fadhilah published a translation of Henry Ford's antisemitic treatise, The International Jew, complete with distinctly antisemitic imagery on the cover.[173]
On 5 May 2001, after Shimon Peres visited Egypt, the Egyptian al-Akhbar internet paper said that "lies and deceit are not foreign to Jews[...]. For this reason, Allah changed their shape and made them into monkeys and pigs."[174]
In July 2012, Egypt's Al Nahar channel fooled actors into thinking they were on an Israeli television show and filmed their reactions to being told it was an Israeli television show. In response, some of the actors launched into antisemitic rants or dialogue, and many became violent. Actress Mayer El Beblawi said that "Allah did not curse the worm and moth as much as he cursed the Jews" while actor Mahmoud Abdel Ghaffar launched into a violent rage and said, "You brought me someone who looks like a Jew... I hate the Jews to death" after finding out it was a prank.[175][176]
Asia
Iran
See also: Holocaust denial § Holocaust denial in Iran
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, former president of Iran, has frequently been accused of denying the Holocaust.
In July, the winner of Iran's first annual International Wall Street Downfall Cartoon Festival, jointly sponsored by the semi-state-run Iranian media outlet Fars News, was an antisemitic cartoon depicting Jews praying before the New York Stock Exchange, which is made to look like the Western Wall. Other cartoons in the contest were antisemitic as well. The national director of the Anti-Defamation League, Abraham Foxman, condemned the cartoon, stating that "Here's the anti-Semitic notion of Jews and their love for money, the canard that Jews 'control' Wall Street, and a cynical perversion of the Western Wall, the holiest site in Judaism," and "Once again Iran takes the prize for promoting antisemitism."[177][178][179]
Japan
Main article: Antisemitism in Japan
Lebanon
In 2004, Al-Manar, a media network affiliated with Hezbollah, aired a drama series, The Diaspora, which observers allege is based on historical antisemitic allegations. BBC correspondents who have watched the program says it quotes extensively from the Protocols of the Elders of Zion.[180]
Malaysia
See also: History of the Jews in Malaysia
Although Malaysia presently has no substantial Jewish population, the country has reportedly become an example of a phenomenon called "antisemitism without Jews."[181][182]
In his treatise on Malay identity, "The Malay Dilemma," which was published in 1970, former Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad wrote: "The Jews are not only hooked-nosed... but understand money instinctively.... Jewish stinginess and financial wizardry gained them the economic control of Europe and provoked antisemitism which waxed and waned throughout Europe through the ages."[183]
The Malay-language Utusan Malaysia daily stated in an editorial that Malaysians "cannot allow anyone, especially the Jews, to interfere secretly in this country's business... When the drums are pounded hard in the name of human rights, the pro-Jewish people will have their best opportunity to interfere in any Islamic country," the newspaper said. "We might not realize that the enthusiasm to support actions such as demonstrations will cause us to help foreign groups succeed in their mission of controlling this country." Prime Minister Najib Razak's office subsequently issued a statement late Monday saying Utusan's claim did "not reflect the views of the government."[184][185][186]
Palestinian territories
See also: Tomorrow's Pioneers, Racism in the Palestinian territories and Textbooks in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict






Haj Amin al-Husseini meeting with Adolf Hitler, December 1941. The Grand Mufti of Jerusalem helped recruit Muslims for the Waffen-SS.
Mudar Zahran, a Palestinian, writing for the Gatestone Institute says that "the Palestinians have been used as fuel for the new form of anti-Semitism; this has hurt the Palestinians and exposed them to unprecedented and purposely media-ignored abuse by Arab governments, including some of those who claim love for the Palestinians, yet in fact only bare hatred to Jews. This has resulted in Palestinian cries for justice, equality, freedom and even basic human rights being ignored while the world getting consumed with delegitimizing Israel from either ignorance or malice."[187]
In March 2011, the Israeli government issued a paper claiming that "Anti-Israel and anti-Semitic messages are heard regularly in the government and private media and in the mosques and are taught in school books," to the extent that they are "an integral part of the fabric of life inside the PA."[188] In August 2012, Israeli Strategic Affairs Ministry director-general Yossi Kuperwasser stated that Palestinian incitement to antisemitism is "going on all the time" and that it is "worrying and disturbing." At an institutional level, he said the PA has been promoting three key messages to the Palestinian people that constitute incitement: "that the Palestinians would eventually be the sole sovereign on all the land from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean Sea; that Jews, especially those who live in Israel, were not really human beings but rather 'the scum of mankind'; and that all tools were legitimate in the struggle against Israel and the Jews."[189] In August 2014, the Hamas' spokesman in Doha said on live television that Jews use blood to make matzos.[190]
Pakistan
See also: History of the Jews in Pakistan and Antisemitism in Pakistan
The U.S. State Department's first Report on Global Anti-Semitism mentioned a strong feeling of antisemitism in Pakistan.[191] In Pakistan, a country without Jewish communities, antisemitic sentiment fanned by antisemitic articles in the press is widespread.[192]
In Pakistan, Jews are often regarded as miserly.[193] After Israel's independence in 1948, violent incidents occurred against Pakistan's small Jewish community of about 2,000 Bene Israel Jews. The Magain Shalome Synagogue in Karachi was attacked, as were individual Jews. The persecution of Jews resulted in their exodus via India to Israel (see Pakistanis in Israel), the UK, Canada and other countries. The Peshawar Jewish community ceased to exist[194] although a small community reportedly still exists in Karachi.
A substantial number of people in Pakistan believe that the 11 September 2001 attacks on the World Trade Center in New York were a secret Jewish conspiracy organized by Israel's MOSSAD, as were the 7 July 2005 London bombings, allegedly perpetrated by Jews in order to discredit Muslims. Such allegations echo traditional antisemitic theories.[195][196] The Jewish religious movement of Chabad Lubavich had an mission house in Mumbai, India that was attacked in the 2008 Mumbai attacks, perpetrated by militants connected to Pakistan led by Ajmal Kasab.[197][198] Antisemitic intents were evident from the testimonies of Kasab following his arrest and trial.[199]
Saudi Arabia
See also: Antisemitism in the Arab world § Saudi Arabia
The website of the Saudi Arabian Supreme Commission for Tourism initially[when?] stated that Jews would not be granted tourist visas to enter the country.[200][201] The Saudi embassy in the U.S. distanced itself from the statement, which was later removed.[202][203]
In 2001, Arab Radio and Television of Saudi Arabia produced a 30-part television miniseries entitled "Horseman Without a Horse", a dramatization of The Protocols of the Elders of Zion.[204] One Saudi Arabian government newspaper suggested that hatred of all Jews is justifiable.[205]
Saudi textbooks vilify Jews (and Christians and non-Wahabi Muslims): according to 21 May 2006 issue of The Washington Post, Saudi textbooks claimed by them to have been sanitized of antisemitism still call Jews apes (and Christians swine); demand that students avoid and not befriend Jews; claim that Jews worship the devil; and encourage Muslims to engage in Jihad to vanquish Jews.[206]
The Center for Religious Freedom of Freedom House analyzed a set of Saudi Ministry of Education textbooks in Islamic studies courses for elementary and secondary school students. The researchers found statements promoting hatred of Christians, Jews, "polytheists" and other "unbelievers," including non-Wahabi Muslims. The Protocols of the Elders of Zion was taught as historical fact. The texts described Jews and Christians as enemies of Muslim believers and the clash between them as an ongoing fight that will end in victory over the Jews. Jews were blamed for virtually all the "subversion" and wars of the modern world.[207] A 38-page overview PDF (371 KB) of Saudi Arabia's curriculum has been released to the press by the Hudson Institute.
The BBC aired a Panorama episode, entitled A Question of Leadership, which reported that Abdul Rahman Al-Sudais, the leading imam of the Grand mosque located in the Islamic holy city of Mecca, Saudi Arabia,[208][209] referred to Jews as "the scum of the human race" and "offspring of apes and pigs". Al-Sudais further stated: "the worst [...] of the enemies of Islam are those [...] whom he [...] made monkeys and pigs, the aggressive Jews and oppressive Zionists and those that follow them [...] Monkeys and pigs and worshippers of false Gods who are the Jews and the Zionists." In another sermon, on 19 April 2002, he declared that Jews are "evil offspring, infidels, distorters of [others'] words, calf-worshippers, prophet-murderers, prophecy-deniers [...] the scum of the human race whom Allah cursed and turned into apes and pigs [...]"[210]
Turkey
Main articles: Antisemitism in Turkey and History of the Jews in Turkey
In recent decades, synagogues have been targeted in a number of terrorist attacks. In 2003, the Neve Shalom Synagogue was targeted in a car bombing, killing 21 Turkish Muslims and 6 Jews.[211]
In June 2011, the Economist suggested that "The best way for Turks to promote democracy would be to vote against the ruling party". Not long after, the Turkish Prime Minister, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, said that "The International media, as they are supported by Israel, would not be happy with the continuation of the AKP government".[212] The Hurriyet Daily News quoted Erdoğan at the time as claiming "The Economist is part of an Israeli conspiracy that aims to topple the Turkish government".[213] Moreover, during Erdogan's tenure, Hitler's Mein Kampf has once again become a best selling book in Turkey.[212] Prime Minister Erdogan called antisemitism a "crime against humanity." He also said that "as a minority, they're our citizens. Both their security and the right to observe their faith are under our guarantee."[214]
Europe
Main articles: Antisemitism in Europe and New antisemitism
According to a 2004 report from the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs, antisemitism had increased significantly in Europe since 2000, with significant increases in verbal attacks against Jews and vandalism such as graffiti, fire bombings of Jewish schools, desecration of synagogues and cemeteries. Germany, France, Britain, and Russia are the countries with the highest rate of antisemitic incidents in Europe.[215] The Netherlands and Sweden have also consistently had high rates of antisemitic attacks since 2000.[216]
Some claim that recent European antisemitic violence can actually be seen as a spillover from the long running Arab-Israeli conflict since the majority of the perpetrators are from the large Muslim immigrant communities in European cities. However, compared to France, the United Kingdom and much of the rest of Europe, in Germany Arab and pro-Palestinian groups are involved in only a small percentage of antisemitic incidents.[215][217] According to The Stephen Roth Institute for the Study of Contemporary Antisemitism and Racism, most of the more extreme attacks on Jewish sites and physical attacks on Jews in Europe come from militant Islamic and Muslim groups, and most Jews tend to be assaulted in countries where groups of young Muslim immigrants reside.[218]
On 1 January 2006, Britain's chief rabbi, Lord Jonathan Sacks, warned that what he called a "tsunami of antisemitism" was spreading globally. In an interview with BBC Radio 4, Sacks said: "A number of my rabbinical colleagues throughout Europe have been assaulted and attacked on the streets. We've had synagogues desecrated. We've had Jewish schools burnt to the ground—not here but in France. People are attempting to silence and even ban Jewish societies on campuses on the grounds that Jews must support the state of Israel, therefore they should be banned, which is quite extraordinary because... British Jews see themselves as British citizens. So it's that kind of feeling that you don't know what's going to happen next that's making... some European Jewish communities uncomfortable."[219]
Following an escalation in antisemitism in 2012, which included the deadly shooting of three children at a Jewish school in France, the European Jewish Congress demanded in July a more proactive response. EJC President Moshe Kantor explained, "We call on authorities to take a more proactive approach so there would be no reason for statements of regret and denunciation. All these smaller attacks remind me of smaller tremors before a massive earthquake. The Jewish community cannot afford to be subject to an earthquake and the authorities cannot say that the writing was not on the wall." He added that European countries should take legislative efforts to ban any form of incitement, as well as to equip the authorities with the necessary tools to confront any attempt to expand terrorist and violent activities against Jewish communities in Europe.[220]
Austria
Main article: Antisemitism in contemporary Austria
France
Main articles: Antisemitism in 21st-century France and History of the Jews in France
France is home to the continent's largest Jewish community (about 600,000). Jewish leaders decry an intensifying antisemitism in France,[221] mainly among Muslims of Arab or African heritage, but also growing among Caribbean islanders from former French colonies.[222] Former Interior Minister Nicolas Sarkozy denounced the killing of Ilan Halimi on 13 February 2006 as an antisemitic crime.
Jewish philanthropist Baron Eric de Rothschild suggests that the extent of antisemitism in France has been exaggerated. In an interview with The Jerusalem Post he says that "the one thing you can't say is that France is an anti-Semitic country."[223]
In March 2012, Mohammed Merah opened fire at a Jewish school in Toulouse, killing a teacher and three children. An 8-year-old girl was shot in the head at point blank range. President Nicolas Sarkozy said that it was "obvious" it was an antisemitic attack[224] and that, "I want to say to all the leaders of the Jewish community, how close we feel to them. All of France is by their side." The Israeli Prime Minister condemned the "despicable anti-Semitic" murders.[225][226] After a 32-hour siege and standoff with the police outside his house, and a French raid, Merah jumped off a balcony and was shot in the head and killed.[227] Merah told police during the standoff that he intended to keep on attacking, and he loved death the way the police loved life. He also claimed connections with al-Qaeda.[228][229][230]
4 months later, in July 2012, a French Jewish teenager wearing a "distinctive religious symbol" was the victim of a violent antisemitic attack on a train travelling between Toulouse and Lyon. The teen was first verbally harassed and later beaten up by two assailants. Richard Prasquier from the French Jewish umbrella group, CRIF, called the attack "another development in the worrying trend of anti-Semitism in our country."[231]
Another incident in July 2012 dealt with the vandalism of the synagogue of Noisy-le-Grand of the Seine-Saint-Denis district in Paris. The synagogue was vandalized three times in a ten-day period. Prayer books and shawls were thrown on the floor, windows were shattered, drawers were ransacked, and walls, tables, clocks, and floors were vandalized. The authorities were alerted of the incidents by the Bureau National de Vigilance Contre L’Antisémtisme (BNVCA), a French antisemitism watchdog group, which called for more measures to be taken to prevent future hate crimes. BNVCA President Sammy Ghozlan stated that, "Despite the measures taken, things persist, and I think that we need additional legislation, because the Jewish community is annoyed."[232]
In August 2012, Abraham Cooper, the dean of the Simon Wiesenthal Center, met French Interior Minister Manuel Valls and reported that antisemitic attacks against French Jews increased by 40% since Merah's shooting spree in Toulouse. Cooper pressed Valls to take extra measures to secure the safety of French Jews, as well as to discuss strategies to foil an increasing trend of lone-wolf terrorists on the Internet.[233]
Germany



 Antisemitic demonstrator in Berlin with Nazi tattoos on arm
Further information: History of the Jews in Germany
The Interior Minister of Germany, Wolfgang Schäuble, points out the official policy of Germany: "We will not tolerate any form of extremism, xenophobia or anti-Semitism."[234] Although the number of extreme right-wing groups and organisations grew from 141 (2001)[235] to 182 (2006),[236] especially in the formerly communist East Germany,[234] Germany's measures against right-wing groups and antisemitism are effective, despite Germany having the highest rates of antisemitic acts in Europe. According to the annual reports of the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution the overall number of far-right extremists in Germany dropped during the last years from 49,700 (2001),[235] 45,000 (2002),[235] 41,500 (2003),[235] 40,700 (2004),[236] 39,000 (2005),[236] to 38,600 in 2006.[236] Germany provided several million euros to fund "nationwide programs aimed at fighting far-right extremism, including teams of traveling consultants, and victims' groups."[237]
In July 2012, two women were assaulted in Germany, sprayed with tear gas, and were shown a "Hitler salute," apparently because of a Star of David necklace that they wore.[238]
In late August 2012, Berlin police investigated an attack on a 53-year-old rabbi and his 6-year-old daughter, allegedly by four Arab teens, after which the rabbi needed treatment for head wounds at a hospital. The police classified the attack as a hate crime. Jüdische Allgemeine reported that the rabbi was wearing a kippah and was approached by one of the teens, who asked the rabbi if he was Jewish. The teen then attacked the rabbi while yelling antisemitic comments, and threatened to kill the rabbi's daughter. Berlin’s mayor condemned the attack, saying that "Berlin is an international city in which intolerance, xenophobia and anti-Semitism are not being tolerated. Police will undertake all efforts to find and arrest the perpetrators."[239]
In October 2012, various historians, including Dr. Julius H. Schoeps, a prominent German-Jewish historian and a member of the German Interior Ministry’s commission to combat antisemitism, charged the majority of Bundestag deputies with failing to understand antisemitism and the imperativeness of periodic legislative reports on German antisemitism. Schoeps cited various antisemitic statements by German parliament members as well. The report in question determined that 15% of Germans are antisemitic while over 20% espouse "latent anti-Semitism," but the report has been criticized for downplaying the sharpness of antisemitism in Germany, as well as for failing to examine anti-Israel media coverage in Germany.[240]
Greece
Main article: Antisemitism in Greece
Hungary
Main article: Antisemitism in contemporary Hungary
In the 21st century, antisemitism in Hungary has evolved and received an institutional framework, while verbal and physical aggression against Jews has escalated, creating a great difference between its earlier manifestations in the 1990s and recent developments. One of the major representatives of this institutionalized antisemitic ideology is the popular Hungarian party Jobbik, which received 17 percent of the vote in the April 2010 national election. The far-right subculture, which ranges from nationalist shops to radical-nationalist and neo-Nazi festivals and events, plays a major role in the institutionalization of Hungarian antisemitism in the 21st century. The contemporary antisemitic rhetoric has been updated and expanded, but is still based on the old antisemitic notions. The traditional accusations and motifs include such phrases as Jewish occupation, international Jewish conspiracy, Jewish responsibility for the Treaty of Trianon, Judeo-Bolshevism, as well as blood libels against Jews. Nevertheless, in the past few years, this has been increased with the Palestinization of the Hungarian people,[241] the reemergence of the blood libel and an increase in Holocaust relativization and denial, while the monetary crisis has revived references to the "Jewish banker class".[242]
Italy
Main article: Antisemitism in 21st-century Italy
Netherlands
Further information: History of the Jews in the Netherlands
The Netherlands has the second highest incidence of antisemitic incidents in the European Union. However, it is difficult to obtain exact figures because the specific groups against whom attacks are made are not specifically identified in police reports, and analyses of police data for antisemitism therefore relies on key-word searches, e.g. "Jew" or "Israel". According to Centre for Information and Documentation on Israel (CIDI), a pro-Israel lobby group in the Netherlands,[243] the number of antisemitic incidents reported in the whole of the Netherlands was 108 in 2008, 93 in 2009, and 124 in 2010. Some two thirds of this are acts of aggression. There are approximately 52 000 Dutch Jews.[244] According to the NRC Handelsblad newspaper, the number of antisemitic incidents in Amsterdam was 14 in 2008 and 30 in 2009.[245] In 2010, Raphaël Evers, an orthodox rabbi in Amsterdam, told the Norwegian newspaper Aftenposten that Jews can no longer be safe in the city anymore due to the risk of violent assaults. "We Jews no longer feel at home here in the Netherlands. Many people talk about moving to Israel," he said.[246]
According to the Anne Frank Foundation, antisemitism in the Netherlands in 2011 was roughly at the same level as in 2010.[247] Actual antisemitic incidents increased from 19 in 2010 to 30 in 2011. Verbal antisemitic incidents dropped slightly from 1173 in 2010 to 1098 in 2011. This accouns for 75%-80% of all verbal racist incidents in the Netherlands. antisemitism is more prevalent in the age group 23–27 years, which is a younger group than that of racist incidents in general.
Norway
Main article: Antisemitism in Norway
In 2010, the Norwegian Broadcasting Corporation after one year of research, revealed that antisemitism was common among some 8th, 9th, and 10th graders in Oslo's schools. Teachers at schools with large numbers of Muslims revealed that Muslim students often "praise or admire Adolf Hitler for his killing of Jews", that "Jew-hate is legitimate within vast groups of Muslim students" and that "Muslims laugh or command [teachers] to stop when trying to educate about the Holocaust". Additionally, "while some students might protest when some express support for terrorism, none object when students express hate of Jews", saying that it says in "the Quran that you shall kill Jews, all true Muslims hate Jews". Most of these students were said to be born and raised in Norway. One Jewish father also stated that his child had been taken by a Muslim mob after school (though the child managed to escape), reportedly "to be taken out to the forest and hung because he was a Jew".[248][249]
Norwegian Education Minister Kristin Halvorsen referred to the antisemitism reported in this study as being "completely unacceptable." The head of a local Islamic council joined Jewish leaders and Halvorsen in denouncing such antisemitism.[250]
In October 2012, the Organization for Security and Co-Operation in Europe issued a report regarding antisemitism in Norway, criticizing Norway for an increase in antisemitism in the country and blaming Norwegian officials for failing to address antisemitism."[251]
Russia
Main article: Antisemitism in Russia
Spain
Main article: Antisemitism in Spain
Sweden
 This section duplicates the scope of other sections, specifically, Antisemitism in Sweden#Situation in Malmö. (February 2014)
Main article: Antisemitism in Sweden
After Germany and Austria, Sweden has the highest rate of antisemitic incidents in Europe, though the Netherlands has reported a higher rate of antisemitism in some years.[216] A government study in 2006 estimated that 15% of Swedes agree with the statement: "The Jews have too much influence in the world today".[252] 5% of the total adult population and 39% of adult Muslims "harbour systematic antisemitic views".[252] The former prime minister Göran Persson described these results as "surprising and terrifying". However, the rabbi of Stockholm's Orthodox Jewish community, Meir Horden, said that "It's not true to say that the Swedes are anti-Semitic. Some of them are hostile to Israel because they support the weak side, which they perceive the Palestinians to be."[253]
In 2009, a synagogue that served the Jewish community in Malmö was set ablaze. Jewish cemeteries were repeatedly desecrated, worshippers were abused while returning home from prayer, and masked men mockingly chanted "Hitler" in the streets. As a result of security concerns, Malmö's synagogue has guards and rocket-proof glass in the windows, and the Jewish kindergarten can only be reached through thick steel security doors.[254]
In early 2010, the Swedish publication The Local published series of articles about the growing antisemitism in Malmö, Sweden.[255] In 2009, the Malmö police received reports of 79 antisemitic incidents, which was twice the number of the previous year (2008).[256] Fredrik Sieradzki, spokesman for the Malmö Jewish community, estimated that the already small Jewish population is shrinking by 5% a year. "Malmö is a place to move away from," he said, citing antisemitism as the primary reason.[257] In March 2010, Fredrik Sieradzk told Die Presse, an Austrian Internet publication, that Jews are being "harassed and physically attacked" by "people from the Middle East," although he added that only a small number of Malmö's 40,000 Muslims "exhibit hatred of Jews."[258] In October 2010, The Forward reported on the current state of Jews and the level of antisemitism in Sweden. Henrik Bachner, a writer and professor of history at the University of Lund, claimed that members of the Swedish Parliament have attended anti-Israel rallies where the Israeli flag was burned while the flags of Hamas and Hezbollah were waved, and the rhetoric was often antisemitic—not just anti-Israel.[259] Judith Popinski, an 86-year-old Holocaust survivor, stated that she is no longer invited to schools that have a large Muslim presence to tell her story of surviving the Holocaust.[257] In December 2010, the Jewish human rights organization Simon Wiesenthal Center issued a travel advisory concerning Sweden, advising Jews to express "extreme caution" when visiting the southern parts of the country due to an alleged increase in verbal and physical harassment of Jewish citizens in the city of Malmö.[260] Ilmar Reepalu, the mayor of Malmö for over 15 years, has been accused of failing to protect the Jewish community in Malmö, causing 30 Jewish families to leave the city in 2010, and more preparing to leave, which has left the possibility that Malmö's Jewish community will disappear soon. Critics of Reepalu say that his statements, such as antisemitism in Malmö actually being an "understandable" consequence of Israeli policy in the Middle East, have encouraged young Muslims to abuse and harass the Jewish community.[254] In an interview with the Sunday Telegraph in February 2010, Reepalu said, "There haven't been any attacks on Jewish people, and if Jews from the city want to move to Israel that is not a matter for Malmö," which renewed concerns about Reepalu.[261]
Ukraine
Main article: Antisemitism in Ukraine



 Antisemithic graffiti in Lviv; Yids will not reside in Lviv, 2007
Oleh Tyahnybok, the leader of the far-right Svoboda party, whose members hold senior positions in Ukraine's government, urged his party to fight "the Moscow-Jewish mafia ruling Ukraine."[262] The Algemeiner Journal reported: "Svoboda supporters include among their heroes leaders of pro-Nazi World War II organizations known for their atrocities against Jews and Poles, such as the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN), the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), and the 14th Waffen-SS Galicia Division."[263]
According to the The Simon Wiesenthal Center (in January 2011) "Ukraine has, to the best of our knowledge, never conducted a single investigation of a local Nazi war criminal, let alone prosecuted a Holocaust perpetrator."[264]
According to Der Spiegel, Dmytro Yarosh, leader of the far-right Right Sector, wrote: "I wonder how it came to pass that most of the billionaires in Ukraine are Jews?"[265] Late February 2014 Yarosh pledged during a meeting with Israel’s ambassador in Kiev to fight all forms of racism.[266] Right Sector's leader for West Ukraine, Oleksandr Muzychko, has talked about fighting "communists, Jews and Russians for as long as blood flows in my veins."[267] Muzychko was shot dead on 24 March 2014.[268] An official inquiry concluded he had shot himself in the heart at the end of a chase with the Ukrainian police.[268]
In April 2014, Donetsk Chief Rabbi Pinchas Vishedski said that "Anti-Semitic incidents in the Russian-speaking east were rare, unlike in Kiev and western Ukraine."[269] An April 2014 listing of anti-Jewish violence in Ukraine in Haaretz no incidents outside this "Russian-speaking east" were mentioned.[270]
United Kingdom
Main articles: Antisemitism in the United Kingdom and British Jews
In 2005, a group of British Members of Parliament set up an inquiry into antisemitism, which published its findings in 2006. Its report stated that "until recently, the prevailing opinion both within the Jewish community and beyond [had been] that antisemitism had receded to the point that it existed only on the margins of society." It found a reversal of this progress since 2000. In his oral evidence, the Chief Rabbi stated: "If you were to ask me is Britain an antisemitic society, the answer is manifestly and obviously no. It is one of the least antisemitic societies in the world." The inquiry set out to investigate the problem, identify the sources of contemporary antisemitism and make recommendations to improve the situation. It discussed the influence of the Israel-Palestine conflict and issues of anti-Israel sentiment versus antisemitism at length and noted "most of those who gave evidence were at pains to explain that criticism of Israel is not to be regarded in itself as antisemitic... The Israeli government itself may, at times, have mistakenly perceived criticism of its policies and actions to be motivated by antisemitism."[271] In November 2010, the BBC's investigative program Panorama reported that Saudi national textbooks advocating antisemitism were being used in Islamic religious programs attended by 5,000 British schoolchildren in the United Kingdom. In the textbooks, Jews were described as looking like monkeys and pigs.[272]
A report released in 2012 by the Community Security Trust, documenting antisemitic incidents from January–June 2012, revealed that the number of incidents rose in these months compared to incidents in 2011, with 299 cases deemed antisemitic. There was a significant rise in the number of antisemitic incidents in March 2012, apparently influenced by the antisemitic terrorist attack in Toulouse, France during that month by Mohammed Merah.[273][274]
In the 21st century, the dominant source of contemporary antisemitism in the UK is the far right. Although in the aftermath of the Holocaust far right extremism became marginalised, Holocaust denial and Jewish conspiracy theories remain core elements of far right ideology. Nevertheless, contemporary antisemitism is to be found as well on the left of the political spectrum. Criticism of Israel, especially from the left, has been fueled further by the second Palestinian Intifada and by the invasion of Iraq in 2003.
North America
Canada
Main article: Antisemitism in Canada
Although antisemitism in Canada is less prevalent than in many other countries, there have been recent incidents. For example, a 2004 study identified 24 incidents of antisemitism between 14 March and 14 July 2004 in Newfoundland, Montreal, Quebec City, Ottawa, the Greater Toronto Area (GTA), and some smaller Ontario communities. The incidents included vandalism and other attacks on four synagogues, six cemeteries, four schools, and a number of businesses and private residences.[275]
United States
Main article: Antisemitism in the United States
See also: History of antisemitism in the United States
In November 2005, the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights examined antisemitism on college campuses. It reported that "incidents of threatened bodily injury, physical intimidation or property damage are now rare", but antisemitism still occurs on many campuses and is a "serious problem." The Commission recommended that the U.S. Department of Education's Office for Civil Rights protect college students from antisemitism through vigorous enforcement of Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and further recommended that Congress clarify that Title VI applies to discrimination against Jewish students.[276]
On 19 September 2006, Yale University founded the Yale Initiative for the Interdisciplinary Study of Anti-Semitism (YIISA), the first North American university-based center for study of the subject, as part of its Institution for Social and Policy Studies. Director Charles Small of the Center cited the increase in antisemitism worldwide in recent years as generating a "need to understand the current manifestation of this disease".[277] In June 2011, Yale voted to close this initiative. After carrying out a routine review, the faculty review committee said that the initiative had not met its research and teaching standards. Donald Green, then head of Yale’s Institution for Social and Policy Studies, the body under whose aegis the antisemitism initiative was run, said that it had not had many papers published in the relevant leading journals or attracted many students. As with other programs that had been in a similar situation, the initiative had therefore been cancelled.[278][279] This decision has been criticized by figures such as former U.S. Commission on Civil Rights Staff Director Kenneth L. Marcus, who is now the director of the Initiative to Combat Anti-Semitism and Anti-Israelism in America’s Educational Systems at the Institute for Jewish and Community Research, and Deborah Lipstadt, who described the decision as "weird" and "strange."[280] Antony Lerman has supported Yale's decision, describing the YIISA as a politicized initiative that was devoted to the promotion of Israel rather than to serious research on antisemitism.[281]
A 2007 survey by the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) concluded that 15% of Americans hold antisemitic views, which was in-line with the average of the previous ten years, but a decline from the 29% of the early sixties. The survey concluded that education was a strong predictor, "with most educated Americans being remarkably free of prejudicial views." The belief that Jews have too much power was considered a common antisemitic view by the ADL. Other views indicating antisemitism, according to the survey, include the view that Jews are more loyal to Israel than America, and that they are responsible for the death of Jesus of Nazareth. The survey found that antisemitic Americans are likely to be intolerant generally, e.g. regarding immigration and free-speech. The 2007 survey also found that 29% of foreign-born Hispanics and 32% of African-Americans hold strong antisemitic beliefs, three times more than the 10% for whites.[282]
A 2009 study published in Boston Review found that nearly 25% of non-Jewish Americans blamed Jews for the financial crisis of 2008–2009, with a higher percentage among Democrats than Republicans. 32% of Democrats blamed Jews for the financial crisis, versus 18% for Republicans.[283][284]
In August 2012, the California state assembly approved a non-binding resolution that "encourages university leaders to combat a wide array of anti-Jewish and anti-Israel actions," although the resolution "is purely symbolic and does not carry policy implications."[285]
South America
Venezuela



 Antisemitic graffiti in Venezuela, alongside a hammer and sickle
Further information: Antisemitism in Venezuela and History of the Jews in Venezuela
In a 2009 news story, Michael Rowan and Douglas E. Schoen wrote, "In an infamous Christmas Eve speech several years ago, Chávez said the Jews killed Christ and have been gobbling up wealth and causing poverty and injustice worldwide ever since."[286] Hugo Chávez stated that "[t]he world is for all of us, then, but it so happens that a minority, the descendants of the same ones that crucified Christ, the descendants of the same ones that kicked Bolívar out of here and also crucified him in their own way over there in Santa Marta, in Colombia. A minority has taken possession of all of the wealth of the world."[287]
In February 2012, opposition candidate for the 2012 Venezuelan presidential election Henrique Capriles was subject to what foreign journalists characterized as vicious[288] attacks by state-run media sources.[289][290] The Wall Street Journal said that Capriles "was vilified in a campaign in Venezuela's state-run media, which insinuated he was, among other things, a homosexual and a Zionist agent".[288] A 13 February 2012 opinion article in the state-owned Radio Nacional de Venezuela, titled "The Enemy is Zionism"[291] attacked Capriles' Jewish ancestry and linked him with Jewish national groups because of a meeting he had held with local Jewish leaders,[288][289][292] saying, "This is our enemy, the Zionism that Capriles today represents... Zionism, along with capitalism, are responsible for 90% of world poverty and imperialist wars."[288]
See also

Portal icon Judaism portal
1968 Polish political crisis
Antisemitism around the world
Antisemitism in the anti-globalization movement
Anti-Jewish violence in Eastern Europe, 1944–1946
Anti-Jewish violence in Poland, 1944–1946
Anti-Arabism
Blood libel
Criticism of Judaism
Farhud
History of antisemitism
Host desecration
Jacob Barnet affair
Judeo-Masonic conspiracy theory
May Laws
Nazi propaganda
Orientalism
Persecution of Jews
Racial policy of Nazi Germany
Rootless cosmopolitan
Secondary antisemitism
Stab-in-the-back legend
Timeline of antisemitism
Notes
1.^ Jump up to: a b anti-Semitism – Definition and More from the Merriam-Webster Dictionary. Retrieved 2 June 2012.
2.Jump up ^ "A Brief History of Anti-Semitism" (PDF). Anti-defamation League. Retrieved 16 August 2014.
3.Jump up ^ United Nations General Assembly Session 53 Resolution 133. Measures to combat contemporary forms of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance A/RES/53/133 page 4. 1 March 1999. Retrieved 21 April 2015.
4.Jump up ^ Nathan, Julie (9 November 2014). "2014 Report on Antisemitism in Australia" (PDF). Executive Council of Australian Jewry. Archived (PDF) from the original on 12 April 2015. Retrieved 21 April 2015.
5.Jump up ^ Chanes (2004), p. 150
6.Jump up ^ Rattansi, Ali. Racism: A Very Short Introduction, Oxford University Press, 2007, pp. 4–5.
Rubenstein, Richard L.; Roth, John K. Approaches to Auschwitz: the Holocaust and its legacy, Westminster John Knox Press, 2003, p. 30.
Johnston, William M. The Austrian Mind: An Intellectual and Social History, 1848–1938, University of California Press, 1983, p. 27.
7.Jump up ^ Laqueur (2006), p. 21
8.^ Jump up to: a b Lewis, Bernard. "Semites and Antisemites". Extract from Islam in History: Ideas, Men and Events in the Middle East, The Library Press, 1973. broken link, page?, quote?
"Anti-Semitism", Encyclopædia Britannica, 2006. quote?
Johnson (1987), p. 133 ff
Lewis, Bernard. "The New Anti-Semitism", The American Scholar, Volume 75 No. 1, Winter 2006, pp. 25–36. The paper is based on a lecture delivered at Brandeis University on 24 March 2004. broken link
9.^ Jump up to: a b "Report on Global Anti-Semitism", U.S. State Department, 5 January 2005.
10.Jump up ^ Bein, Alex. The Jewish Question: Biography of a World Problem. Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1990, p. 594. ISBN 0-8386-3252-1.|quote=The compound anti-Semitism appears to have been used first by Steinschneider, who challenged Renan on account of his 'anti-Semitic prejudices' [i.e., his derogation of the "Semites" as a race].'
11.Jump up ^ Falk (2008), p. 21
12.Jump up ^ Poliakov, Léon The History of Anti-Semitism, Vol. 3: From Voltaire to Wagner, University of Pennsylvania Press: 2003, p. 404 ISBN 978-0-8122-1865-7
13.Jump up ^ Marr, Wilhelm. Sieg des Judenthums über das Germanenthum. Vom nicht confessionellen Standpunkt aus betrachtet. Rudolph Costenoble. 1879, 8th edition. Archive.org.[dead link]
14.Jump up ^ "Wilhelm Marr". Jewish Virtual Library. Retrieved 13 September 2014.
15.Jump up ^ The Jewish Encyclopedia. Funk & Wagnalls. p. 641 (A).
16.Jump up ^ Matas, David. Aftershock: Anti-Zionism and Antisemitism, Dundurn Press, 2005, p. 34.
17.Jump up ^ Lewis (1999), p. 117
18.Jump up ^ Almog, Shmuel. "What's in a Hyphen?", SICSA Report: Newsletter of the Vidal Sassoon International Center for the Study of Antisemitism (Summer 1989).
19.Jump up ^ "The Power of Myth" (PDF). Facing History. Archived from the original (PDF) on 5 March 2009. Retrieved 21 August 2006.
20.Jump up ^ Bauer, Yehuda. "Problems of Contemporary Antisemitism" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 7 March 2008. Retrieved 12 March 2006.
21.Jump up ^ Bauer, Yehuda. A History of the Holocaust, Franklin Watts, 1982, p. 52. ISBN 0-531-05641-4.
22.Jump up ^ Prager & Telushkin (2003), p. 199
23.Jump up ^ Carroll, James (2002). Constantine's Sword: The Church and the Jews. New York: Mariner. pp. 628–29. ISBN 0618219080. Retrieved 19 September 2013.
24.Jump up ^ cited in Sonja Weinberg, Pogroms and Riots: German Press Responses to Anti-Jewish Violence in Germany and Russia, (1881–1882), Peter Lang, 2010 p. 18.
25.Jump up ^ Falk (2008), p. 5
26.Jump up ^ Sonja Weinberg, Pogroms and Riots: German Press Responses to Anti-Jewish Violence in Germany and Russia, (1881–1882), pp. 18–19.
27.Jump up ^ Lewis, Bernard. "The New Anti-Semitism", The American Scholar, Volume 75 No. 1, Winter 2006, pp. 25–36. The paper is based on a lecture delivered at Brandeis University on 24 March 2004.
28.Jump up ^ "Working Definition of Antisemitism". European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights. Archived from the original (PDF) on 5 January 2010. Retrieved 24 July 2010.
29.Jump up ^ Jewish Telegraphic Agency (5 December 2013). "What is anti-Semitism? EU racism agency unable to define term". Jerusalem Post.
30.Jump up ^ Richard S. Levy, "Marr, Wilhelm (1819-1904)" in Levy (2005), vol. 2, pp. 445–446
31.Jump up ^ Richard S. Geehr. Karl Lueger, Mayor of Fin-de-Siècle Vienna, Wayne State University Press, Detroit, 1989. ISBN 0-8143-2055-4
32.Jump up ^ Dr. Karl Lueger Dead; Anti-Semitic Leader and Mayor of Vienna Was 66 Years Old. The New York Times, 11 March 1910.
33.Jump up ^ Bartlett, Steven J. (2005). The Pathology of Man: A Study of Human Evil. Charles C Thomas Publisher. pp. 30–. ISBN 9780398075576. Retrieved 2 June 2015.
34.Jump up ^ Pinsker, Leon (1906). Auto-emancipation. Maccabaean. p. 16., English and Hebrew translation. Which is widely cited: [1]
35.Jump up ^ Daily Telegraph, 12 November 1938. Cited in Gilbert, Martin. Kristallnacht: Prelude to Destruction. Harper Collins, 2006, p. 142.
36.Jump up ^ Jacob Rader Marcus. United States Jewry, 1776–1985. Wayne State University Press, 1989, p. 286. ISBN 0-8143-2186-0
37.Jump up ^ Alex Bein. The Jewish Question: Biography of a World Problem. Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1990, p. 580. ISBN 0-8386-3252-1
38.Jump up ^ Yehuda Bauer: The Most Ancient Group Prejudice in Leo Eitinger (1984): The Anti-Semitism of Our Time. Oslo. Nansen Committee. p. 14. citing from: Jocelyn Hellig (2003): The Holocaust and Antisemitism: A Short History. Oneworld Publications. p. 73. ISBN 1-85168-313-5.
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241.Jump up ^ An ideology based on the idea of “Zionist crimes” are no longer limited to the Middle East but also extend to Hungary. Hence, the alleged “genocide” of the Palestinians and the fate of Hungarians have many parallels between them
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246.Jump up ^ Hets av jøder er økende i Europa – Aftenposten. Aftenposten.no. Retrieved 2 June 2012.
247.Jump up ^ "Nieuwe rapportage - anne frank". Retrieved 15 February 2014.
248.Jump up ^ "Jødiske blir hetset". NRK Lørdagsrevyen. 13 March 2010.
249.Jump up ^ "What about Norwegian anti-Semitism?". The Foreigner. Retrieved 15 February 2014.
250.Jump up ^ "Anti-semitism report shocks officials". News in English - News and Views from Norway. 16 March 2010. Retrieved 15 February 2014.
251.Jump up ^ Pontz, Zach (26 October 2012). "Report Criticizes Norway for Rise in Anti-Semitism". The Algemeiner. Retrieved 28 October 2012.
252.^ Jump up to: a b Henrik Bachner and Jonas Ring. Antisemitic images and attitudes in Sweden at the Wayback Machine (archived 21 February 2007). levandehistoria.se
253.Jump up ^ Anti-Semitism, in Sweden? Depends who you're asking, Haaretz, 9 November 2007.
254.^ Jump up to: a b Meo, Nick (21 February 2012). "Jews leave Swedish city after sharp rise in anti-Semitic hate crimes". The Telegraph (Malmo, Sweden). Retrieved 24 July 2012.
255.Jump up ^ Jews flee Malmö as anti-Semitism grows by David Landes, The Local, 27 January 2010.
256.Jump up ^ Jews leave Swedish city after sharp rise in anti-Semitic hate crimes Sunday Telegraph. 21 February 2010.
257.^ Jump up to: a b Donald Snyder. For Jews, Swedish City Is a ‘Place To Move Away From’. Forward.com (7 July 2010). Retrieved 2 June 2012.
258.Jump up ^ Report: Anti-Semitic attacks rising in Scandinavia, Jewish Telegraphic Agency (JTA), 22 March 2010.
259.Jump up ^ For Jews, Swedish City Is a ‘Place To Move Away From’ by Donald Snyder, The Forward, Published 7 July 2010, issue of 16 July 2010.).
260.Jump up ^ Simon Wiesenthal Center to Issue Travel Advisory for Sweden – Officials Confer With Swedish Justice Minister Beatrice Ask | Simon Wiesenthal Center. Wiesenthal.com (14 December 2010). Retrieved 2 June 2012.
261.Jump up ^ Sahlin raps Malmö mayor over Jew comments, The Local, 25 February 2010
262.Jump up ^ Yushchenko Finally Gets Tough On Nationalists, The Jamestown Foundation (3 August 2004)
263.Jump up ^ "Svoboda Fuels Ukraine’s Growing Anti-Semitism". Algemeiner Journal. 24 May 2013.
264.Jump up ^ Nazi-hunters give low grades to 13 countries, including Ukraine, Kyiv Post (12 January 2011)
265.Jump up ^ "Practice for a Russian Invasion: Ukrainian Civilians Take Up Arms". Spiegel Online. 16 April 2014.
266.Jump up ^ Among Ukraine’s Jews, the Bigger Worry Is Putin, Not Pogroms, Washington Post (18 April 2014)
267.Jump up ^ "Blind eye turned to influence of far-right in Ukrainian crisis: critics". Global News. 7 March 2014.
268.^ Jump up to: a b "Ukraine far-right leader Sashko Bily 'shot himself'". BBC. 2 April 2014. Retrieved 12 April 2014.
"Ukraine far-right leader Muzychko dies 'in police raid'". Ukraine far-right leader Muzychko dies 'in police raid'. 25 March 2014. Retrieved 25 March 2014.
Ukraine nationalist Oleksandr Muzychko killed in police operation, Associated Press, 2014-03-25, "The Interior Ministry said Tuesday that Muzychko was shot dead after opening fire on police."
269.Jump up ^ Ukraine rabbi calls anti-Semitic leaflet a political hoax". The Jerusalem Post. 20 April 2014.
270.Jump up ^ Ukrainian Jews look to Israel as anti-Semitism escalates
271.Jump up ^ Report of the All-Party Parliamentary Inquiry into Antisemitism PDF (430 KB), All-Party Parliamentary Group against Antisemitism, September 2006. Retrieved 24 November 2010. For the first and second quote, see summary; for the third quote, see p. 17. Archived 24 November 2010. See inquiry website.
272.Jump up ^ Lessons of Hate at Islamic Schools in Britain. New York Times (23 November 2010)
273.Jump up ^ "Anti-Semitic incidents report: January–June 2012" (PDF). Community Security Trust. Retrieved 3 October 2012.
274.Jump up ^ "Anti-Semitism on the rise in the UK". The Commentator. 29 September 2012. Retrieved 3 October 2012.
275.Jump up ^ http://www.jcpa.org/phas/phas-prutschi-f04.htm
276.Jump up ^ Ending Campus Anti-Semitism. Eusccr.com. Retrieved 2 June 2012.
277.Jump up ^ Yale creates center to study antisemitism Associated Press, 19 September 2006
278.Jump up ^ Mary E. O'Leary (7 June 2011). "Yale cancels interdisciplinary course on anti-Semitism". New Haven Register.
279.Jump up ^ Kampeas, Ron. (10 June 2011) Shuttering of Yale program on anti-Semitism raises hackles. Jewishjournal.com. Retrieved 2 June 2012.
280.Jump up ^ Yale Pulls the Plug on Anti-Semitism Institute. nbcconnecticut.com (9 June 2011)
281.Jump up ^ Antony Lerman, "Antisemitism Research Just Improved: Yale’s ‘Initiative’ for Studying Antisemitism is Axed", Antony Lerman: Context Is Everything, 10 June 2011. Retrieved 13 June 2011.
282.Jump up ^ ADL Survey: American Attitudes Towards Jews in America. Adl.org. Retrieved 2 June 2012.
283.Jump up ^ Neil Malhotra and Yotam Margalit. State of the Nation: Anti-Semitism and the economic crisis. Boston Review. Retrieved 2 June 2012.
284.Jump up ^ http://www.newrepublic.com/blog/the-stash/blaming-jews-the-financial-crisis
285.Jump up ^ Calif. resolution denouncing anti-Semitism on college campuses targets anti-Israel protests
286.Jump up ^ "Hugo Chávez And Anti-Semitism\". Forbes.com. 15 February 2009.
287.Jump up ^ "Blast From the Past". The Weekly Standard. 11 January 2006.
288.^ Jump up to: a b c d "Henrique Capriles Radonski: Hugo Chávez Foe A Target Of Anti-Semitism". The Huffington Post. 17 February 2012. Retrieved 22 May 2012.
289.^ Jump up to: a b Devereux, Charlie (20 February 2012). "Chavez media say rival Capriles backs plots ranging from Nazis to Zionists". Bloomberg. Retrieved 21 February 2012. Also available from sfgate.com
290.Jump up ^ Cawthorne, Andrew (1 April 2012). "Insight: The man who would beat Hugo Chávez". Reuters. Retrieved 10 May 2012.
291.Jump up ^ "Anti-Semitic article appears in Venezuela". Anti-Defamation League. 17 February 2012. Retrieved 7 May 2012. Includes English translation of Venezuelan National Radio article.
292.Jump up ^ "Chavez allies attack new opponent Capriles as Jewish, gay". MSNBC. 15 February 2012. Retrieved 10 May 2012.
References
Chanes, Jerome A. (2004). Antisemitism: a Reference Handbook. ABC-CLIO. ISBN 978-1-57607-209-7.
Flannery, Edward H. (1985). The Anguish of the Jews: Twenty-three Centuries of Antisemitism. Paulist Press. ISBN 978-0-8091-4324-5.
Flannery, Edward H. (2004). The Anguish of the Jews: Twenty-Three Centuries of Antisemitism. Mahwah, NY: Paulist Press. ISBN 0-8091-4324-0.
Falk, Avner (2008). Anti-Semitism: a History and Psychoanalysis of Contemporary Hatred. Westport, CT: Praeger. ISBN 978-0-313-35384-0.
Johnson, Paul (1987). A History of the Jews. New York: HarperCollins Publishers. ISBN 0-06-091533-1.
Laqueur, Walter (2006). The Changing Face of Antisemitism: From Ancient Times to the Present Day (1st ed.). Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-530429-2.
Levy, Richard S., ed. (2005). Antisemitism: a Historical Encyclopedia of Prejudice and Persecution. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO. ISBN 1-85109-439-3.
Lewis, Bernard (1999). Semites and Anti-Semites: an Inquiry into Conflict and Prejudice. W. W. Norton & Co. ISBN 0-393-31839-7.
Lipstadt, Deborah (1994). Denying the Holocaust: the Growing Assault on Truth and Memory. Penguin Books. ISBN 0-452-27274-2.
Perry, Marvin; Schweitzer, Frederick M. (2002). Antisemitism: Myth and Hate from Antiquity to the Present. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-0-312-16561-1.
Perry, Marvin; Schweitzer, Frederick M. (2005). Antisemitism: Myth and Hate from Antiquity to the Present. New York: Palgrave. ISBN 0-312-16561-7.
Poliakov, Léon. The History of Anti-Semitism, Volume 1: From the Time of Christ to the Court Jews, University of Pennsylvania Press: 2003
Poliakov, Léon. The History of Anti-Semitism, Volume 2: From Mohammad to the Marranos, University of Pennsylvania Press: 2003
Poliakov, Léon. The History of Anti-Semitism, Volume 3: From Voltaire to Wagner, University of Pennsylvania Press: 2003
Poliakov, Léon. The History of Anti-Semitism, Volume 4: Suicidal Europe 1870–1933, University of Pennsylvania Press: 2003
Poliakov, Léon (1997). "Anti-Semitism". Encyclopaedia Judaica (CD-ROM Edition Version 1.0). Ed. Cecil Roth. Keter Publishing House. ISBN 965-07-0665-8
Prager, Dennis; Telushkin, Joseph (2003) [1985]. Why the Jews? The Reason for Antisemitism (reprint ed.). Touchstone. ISBN 0-7432-4620-9.
Anti-semitism entry by Gotthard Deutsch in the Jewish Encyclopedia, 1901–1906 ed.
Further reading
Bodansky, Yossef. Islamic Anti-Semitism as a Political Instrument, Freeman Center For Strategic Studies, 1999.
Carr, Steven Alan. Hollywood and anti-Semitism: A cultural history up to World War II, Cambridge University Press 2001.
Cohn, Norman. Warrant for Genocide, Eyre & Spottiswoode 1967; Serif, 1996.
Freudmann, Lillian C. Antisemitism in the New Testament, University Press of America, 1994.
Gerber, Jane S. (1986). "Anti-Semitism and the Muslim World". In History and Hate: The Dimensions of Anti-Semitism, ed. David Berger. Jewish Publications Society. ISBN 0-8276-0267-7
Hilberg, Raul. The Destruction of the European Jews. Holmes & Meier, 1985. 3 volumes.
McKain, Mark. Anti-Semitism: At Issue, Greenhaven Press, 2005.
Michael, Robert and Philip Rosen. Dictionary of Antisemitism, The Scarecrow Press, Inc., 2007
Nirenberg, David. Anti-Judaism: The Western Tradition (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2013) 610 pp.
Richardson, Peter (1986). Anti-Judaism in Early Christianity. Wilfrid Laurier University Press. ISBN 0-88920-167-6.
Roth, Philip. The Plot Against America, 2004
Selzer, Michael (ed). "Kike!" : A Documentary History of Anti-Semitism in America, New York 1972.
Steinweis, Alan E. Studying the Jew: Scholarly Antisemitism in Nazi Germany. Harvard University Press, 2006. ISBN 0-674-02205-X.
Stillman, Norman (1979). The Jews of Arab Lands: A History and Source Book. Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society of America. ISBN 0-8276-0198-0
Stillman, N.A. (2006). "Yahud". Encyclopaedia of Islam. Eds.: P.J. Bearman, Th. Bianquis, C.E. Bosworth, E. van Donzel and W.P. Heinrichs. Brill. Brill Online
"Contemporary Global Anti-Semitism: A Report Provided to the United States Congress" PDF (7.4 MB), United States Department of State, 2008. Retrieved 25 November 2010. See html version.
Antisemitism: Its History and Causes by Bernard Lazare.
"Experts explore effects of Ahmadinejad anti-Semitism", Jewish Journal of Greater Los Angeles, 9 March 2007
Anti-Defamation League Arab Antisemitism
Why the Jews? A perspective on causes of anti-Semitism
Stav, Arieh (1999). Peace: The Arabian Caricature – A Study of Anti-semitic Imagery. Gefen Publishing House. ISBN 965-229-215-X
Coordination Forum for Countering Antisemitism (with up to date calendar of antisemitism today)
Annotated bibliography of anti-Semitism hosted by the Hebrew University of Jerusalem's Center for the Study of Antisemitism (SICSA)
Council of Europe, ECRI Country-by-Country Reports
Judeophobia: A short course on the history of anti-Semitism at [4] Zionism and Israel Information Center.
Porat, Dina. "What makes an anti-Semite?", Haaretz, 27 January 2007. Retrieved 24 November 2010.
An Attempt to Identify the Root Cause of Antisemitism by A. B. Yehoshua, Azure, Spring 2008.
Antisemitism in modern Ukraine
Antisemitism and Special Relativity
Robert Michael Holy Hatred: Christianity, Antisemitism, and the Holocaust
External links
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Criticism of Islamism

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For criticism of Islam, see Criticism of Islam. For fear of or prejudice against Islam, see Islamophobia.
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Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam
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Criticism of Islamism concerns critique of those beliefs or notions ascribed to Islamism or Islamist movements. Such criticisms focus on (among other issues) the role of Islam in legislation, the relationship between Islamism and freedom of expression and the rights of women and minorities.
Among those authors and scholars who have criticized Islamism, or some element of it, are Olivier Roy,[1] Joseph E. B. Lumbard, Reza Aslan,[2] Abdelwahab Meddeb,[3] Muhammad Sa'id al-'Ashmawi,[4] Gilles Kepel,[5] Matthias Küntzel,[6] and Khaled Abu al-Fadl.[7]



Contents  [hide]
1 Limits on freedom of expression
2 Emphasis on politics 2.1 Neglect of other issues
2.2 Dependence on virtue
2.3 Failure of Islamists in power
2.4 Failure of Islamist policies 2.4.1 Separation of the sexes

3 Vagueness
4 Irrelevance in modern times
5 Emphasis on early Islam
6 Unification of religion and state 6.1 Historical context
6.2 Historical necessity
6.3 Scriptural basis
7 Islamist interpretation of Sharia 7.1 Ignorance
7.2 Sharia as single universal set of laws to obey
7.3 Overly simplistic
7.4 Historical record
7.5 Quran as Constitution
7.6 Ignoring Maslaha
7.7 Compulsion in Sharia
7.8 Ignoring problems with the development of orthodox Sharia 7.8.1 Case of hijab
7.8.2 Case of ridda

8 Innovations to Islam 8.1 Tendency towards modernism
8.2 Church-like structures
8.3 Friday as Sabbath
8.4 Western political concepts
8.5 Idea of historical progress
8.6 Feminism
8.7 Ideology
8.8 Innovation in Sharia
9 Islamic economics 9.1 Riba
9.2 Social justice
10 Enmity towards the West 10.1 Verses of the Quran and enmity
10.2 Sunna and enmity
10.3 Alleged conspiracies against Islam
10.4 Christian Crusades
10.5 Division of Muslim world into many separate states
10.6 Antisemitism 10.6.1 Alleged Jewish conspiracies against Islam
10.6.2 Alleged Jewish conspiracy against Muhammad

11 Hopes for world success and mass conversion
12 See also 12.1 Books & organisations
13 Further reading
14 References

Limits on freedom of expression[edit]
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According to Graham Fuller, a long-time observer of Middle Eastern politics and supporter of allowing Islamists to participate in politics: "One of the most egregious and damaging roles played by some Islamists ... has been in ... ruthlessly attack[ing] and institut[ing] legal proceedings against any writings on Islam they disagree with."[8]
Some of the victims of Islamist enforcement of orthodoxy include Ahmad Kasravi, a former cleric and important intellectual figure of 1940s Iran who was assassinated in 1946 by the Fadayan-e Islam, an Islamic militant group, on the charge of takfir.[9]
Mahmoud Mohamed Taha, "a 76-year-old practicing Muslim" and theologian was hanged in a public ceremony in Khartoum, January 18, 1985, "following a hasty, ill-prepared trial." Taha had preached that of the two kinds of verses in the Qur'an - those revealed in Mecca and those revealed in Medina - the Medina verses were intended only for Muhammad's own instruction and were not eternally valid principles of Islam as those revealed earlier in Mecca were.[10]
Maybe the most famous alleged apostate attacked by Islamists has been Egyptian Nobel Prize winner Naguib Mahfouz. He has been harassed and almost killed by assailants, stabbed in the neck. Others include novelist Salahaddin Muhsin who

... was sentenced to three years hard labor for writings that `offended Islam`; feminist novelist Nawal al-Sa'dawi has been repeatedly tried in court for anti-Islamic writing and her husband ordered to divorce her as a Muslim apostate, although the charges were ultimately struck down; Islamist lawyers also charged Islamic and Arabic literature professor Nasr Abu Zayd with apostasy for his writings on the background of the Qur'an, and his wife was ordered to divorce him. ..." [11]
Egyptian author Farag Foda was assassinated on June 8, 1992 by militants of the Gamaa Islamiya [12] as an example to other anti-fundamentalist intellectuals.
While the perpetrators of the killing and physical intimidation have been Islamic extremists, the Islamists working within the system are not innocent. Author Gilles Kepel points out that in Egypt "Islamist moderates and the extremists [have] complemented one another's actions." The more establishmentarian Islamist "moderates" declare a modernist or secularist an apostate; the extremists then carry out the death sentence against the "apostate". In the case of Foda's killing, establishmentarian Sheik Mohammed al-Ghazali ("one of the most revered sheiks in the Muslim world"), testified for the defense in the trial of Foda's killers. "He announced that anyone born Muslim who militated against the sharia (as Foda had done) was guilty of the crime of apostasy, for which the punishment was death. In the absence of an Islamic state to carry out this sentence, those who assumed that responsibility were not blameworthy." [13]
Emphasis on politics[edit]
Neglect of other issues[edit]
Although Islamism is a movement devoted to the preeminence of Islam in all fields[14] rather than shifting its focus from belief to politics, some have suggested this is what has happened, and that "organizers, enthusiasts, and politicians," rather than those focusing on spiritually or religion, have "had the most impact" in the movement.
Other observers have remarked on the narrowness of Islamism, and its lack of interest in studying and making sense of the world in general. Habib Boulares regrets that the movement in general has "devoted little energy to constructing consistent theories"[15] and made `no contribution either to Islamic thought or spirituality`.[16] Olivier Roy complains of its intellectual stagnation in that "since the founding writings of Abul Ala Maududi, Hasan al-Banna, Sayyid Qutb ... all before 1978 ... there are nothing but brochures, prayers, feeble glosses and citations of canonical authors."[17]
Ed Husain, a British South Asian Muslim Islamist turned anti-Islamist, wrote in his book The Islamist that as an Islamist activist (in Hizb ut-Tahrir) he felt politics are crowding out his "relationship with God", and saw the same in other activists. Husain complained "We sermonized about the need for Muslims to return to Islam, but many of the shabab [activists] did not know how to pray."[18]
Even systematic study of human society and behavior is dismissed as un-Islamic. According to Olivier Roy:

There is neither history, since nothing new has happened except a return to the jahiliyya of pre-Islamic times, nor anthropology, since man is simply the exercise of virtue (there is no depth psychology in Islam: sin is not an introduction to the other within), nor sociology, since segmentation is fitna, splitting of the community, and thus an attack on the divine oneness the community reflects. Anything, in fact, that differentiates is seen as a menace to the unity of the community...[19]
Dependence on virtue[edit]
Roy also argues that the basic strategy of Islamism suffers from "a vicious circle": "[F]or the Islamists, Islamic society exists only through politics, but the political institutions function only a result of the virtue of those who run them, a virtue that can become widespread only if the society is Islamic beforehand." Thus there is "no Islamic state without virtuous Muslims, no virtuous Muslims without an Islamic state".[20][21]
Failure of Islamists in power[edit]
The problem of dependence on personal virtue and disinterest in "building institutions" capable of handling the corruption of power and human frailty is manifest, Roy believes, in the aftermath of the victories of Islamist or Islamic movements in Islamic Republic of Iran and mujahideen Afghanistan. In both cases the heroic Islamic self-sacrifice that brought Islamic insurgents to power was followed by notably un-virtuous governance of the victorious warriors "demanding their due" in spoils and corruption.[22] Islamism did not prove immune to the foibles of "other ideologies", where the virtuous `pure` are corrupted or abandon politics to "climbers, careerists, and unscrupulous businessmen."[23]
Disillusionment with what he calls the "faltering ideology" of Islamists in power (Iran, Erbakan in Turkey, Sudan) or having been elected and having fought a guerilla war (Algeria), is explored by scholar Gilles Kepel.[24]
In Iran the failure is seen not just in lack of support for Islamist government, but in the decline of the Islamic revival. "Mosques are packed" where Islamists are out of power, but "they empty out when Islamism takes power." In "Islamist Iran ... one almost never sees a person praying in the street."[25][26] Islamic jurists, which form a politically privileged class in Iran "were generally treated with elaborate courtesy" in the early years of the revolution. "'Nowadays, clerics are sometimes insulted by schoolchildren and taxi drivers and they quite often put on normal clothes when venturing outside Qom."[27]
Failure of Islamist policies[edit]
Separation of the sexes[edit]
Disillusioned Islamist Ed Husain, who worked as an English teacher in Saudi Arabia for the British Council circa 2005, was startled at the attitude of Saudi Arabian men towards women. Husain complained that despite the strict Saudi policy separation of the sexes that he wished to emulate as an Islamist, he heard harrowing stories of kidnapping of women and encountered downloading of hard core pornography by his students that he never encountered in Britain or the more "secular" Syrian Republic were he also taught. Despite his wife's modest dress

"out of respect for local custom, she wore the long black abaya and covered her hair in a black scarf. In all the years I had known my wife, never had I seen her appear so dull ... Yet on two occasions she was accosted by passing Saudi youths from their cars. ... In supermarkets I only had to be away from Faye for five minutes and Saudi men would hiss or whisper obscenities has they walked past. When Faye discussed their experiences with local women at the British Council they said, `Welcome to Saudi Arabia`"
"Had I not reached Saudi Arabia utterly convinced of my own faith and identity, then I might well have lost both. Wahhabism and its rigidity could easily have repelled me from Islam.[28]
Vagueness[edit]
Author Tarek Osman has criticized Islamism as unsustainably flexible, offering "everything to everyone": an alternative social provider to the poor masses; an angry platform for the disillusioned young; a loud trumpet-call announcing `a return to the pure religion` to those seeking an identity; a "progressive, moderate religious platform` for the affluent and liberal; ... and at the extremes, a violent vehicle for rejectionists and radicals."[29]
Irrelevance in modern times[edit]
Olivier Roy, in his 1992 book entitled "The Failure of Political Islam", argued that, beyond its power as a mobilising slogan, Islam simply does not provide the answers to the problems of governing a modern state. In 2013, pointing to the failure of the Muslim Brotherhood government in Egypt, he argued that its downfall was caused by its incompetence and nepotism, and that the government had failed in its objective to further Islamise society, as it did not succeed in creating a centrally co-ordinated Islamist society.[30]
Abdullahi Ahmed An-Na'im further argued that, despite the abundance of Islamic jurisprudence about family law, Islam cannot even provide a clear basis for a centralised administration of family law, because the very idea of centralised administration did not exist at the time when the various schools of Muslim family law were evolved.[30]
Emphasis on early Islam[edit]
Some critics, such as Tunisian-born scholar Abdelwahab Meddeb, have bemoaned the Islamist belief that true Islam was enforced for only a few decades of its 1400-year-long history, and this short period is what Muslims should imitate. Sayyid Qutb preached that Islam was no longer in existence and that it was "necessary that the Muslim community be restored to its original form,"[31] and follow the example of the original "Companions of the Prophet." These companions not only cut themselves off from non-Islamic culture or learning—Greek, Roman, Persian, Christian or Jewish logic, art, poetry, etc. - but "separating [them]selves completely from [their] past life," of family and friends.[32]
Islamist belief on what constitutes original form varies. Abul Ala Maududi indicates it was the era of the Prophet and the four rightly guided caliphs.[33] Qutb's brother Muhammad thought the only time "Islam was ... enforced in its true form" was during the reign the first two caliphs, plus three years from 717 to 720 A.D.[34] For the Shiite Ayatollah Khomeini, the five-year reign of Caliph Ali was the truly Islamic era Muslims should imitate.[35]
Meddeb protests that this excludes not only all non-Muslim culture, but most of Muslim history including the Golden Age of Islam: "How can one benefit from the past and the present if one comes to the conclusion that the only Islam that conforms to the sovereignty of God is that of Medina the first four caliphs? ... Can one still ... love and respond to the beauties handed down by the many peoples of Islam through the variety of their historic contribution?"[36] He (and others) have questioned the perfection of the early era where "three of the first four caliphs ... were assassinated," while "enmities" and "factional disputes concerning legitimacy" were played out, and points out the celebration of rightly guided originated a century later with Ibn Hanbal.[37] In the same vein, another author (Tarek Osman) complained of Islamists "excessive historical subjectivity that censored history and consciously (or ignorantly) overlooked the almost continuous embarrassing episodes of blood-letting and internal struggles." [38]
Unification of religion and state[edit]
One of the most commonly quoted slogans in the movement is that of the Muslim Brotherhood: `al-islam dinun was dawlatun` (Islam is a religion and a state). But, as one critic complains, the slogan "is neither a verse of the Qur'an nor a quote from a hadith but a 19th century political slogan popularised by the Salafi movement that emerged in opposition to Western influence in Egypt" [39]—a 19th-century political origin being no problem for many other ideologies, but a severe handicap for a belief system predicated on following the scripture revealed, and the ways of those who lived, twelve centuries earlier.
Historical context[edit]
Critics contend the idea that religion and state should be unified is not unique to Islam but to the premodern era, or at least the era around the time of Muhammad.
According to Reza Aslan:

This was also an era in which religion and the state were one unified entity. ... no Jew, Christian, Zoroastrian, or Muslim of this time would have considered his or her religion to be rooted in the personal confessional experiences of individuals. ... Your religion was your ethnicity, your culture, and your social identity ... your religion was your citizenship.
The post-Julian Roman Empire was Christian, with one "officially sanctioned and legally enforced version" of (Nicene) Christianity. The Sassanid Empire in Persia was Zoroastrian, again with one officially sanctioned and legally enforced version of Zoroastrianism. On the Indian subcontinent, Vaisnava kingdoms (devotees of Vishnu and his incarnations) fought with Savia kingdoms (devotees of Shiva) for territorial control. In China, Buddhist rulers fought Taoist rulers for political ascendancy. "Thus every religion was a `religion of the sword.`" [40]
Historical necessity[edit]
Aside from what other religions and empires were doing at the time, the location of Muslims in the stateless world of Arab society meant they needed a state to protect themselves.
Christianity was based within the "massive and enduring" Roman Empire. The Hebrews had "ethnic bonds before becoming Jews." But unlike these other Abrahamic religions, "the Muslims depended on their religion to provide them with an authority and an identity." [41]

Mohammad founded a religious community ex nihilo. He lived in western Arabia, a stateless region where tribal affiliations dominated all of public life. A tribe protected its members (by threatening to take revenge for them), and it provided social bonds, economic opportunities, as well as political enfranchisement. An individual lacking tribal ties had no standing: he could be robbed, raped, and killed with impunity. If Muhammad was to attract tribesmen to join his movement, he had to provide them with an affiliation no less powerful than the tribe they had left behind".[42]
For these critics, religion and state can be separated without betrayal of the timeless essence of Islam.
Scriptural basis[edit]
The scriptural basis of the Islamist principle that God — in the form of Sharia law — must govern, comes, at least in part, from the Quranic phrase that `Hukm is God's alone,` according to one of the founders of Islamist thought, Abul Ala Maududi. However, journalist and author Abdelwahab Meddeb questions this idea on the grounds that the definition of the Arabic word hukm is broader then simply "to govern", and that the ayah Maududi quoted is not about governing or government. Hukm is usually defined as to "exercise power as governing, to pronounce a sentence, to judge between two parties, to be knowledgeable (in medicine, in philosophy), to be wise, prudent, of a considered judgment".[43] The full ayat where the phrase appears says:

Those who you adore outside of Him are nothing but names that you and your fathers have given them. God has granted them no authority. Hukm is God's alone. He has commanded that you adore none but Him. Such is the right religion, but most people do not know. [Quran 12:40]
Which suggests that the Quran is talking about God's superiority over pagan idols, rather than His role in government. According to Meddeb, Quranic "commentators never forget to remind us that this verse is devoted to the powerlessness of the companion deities (pardras) that idolaters raise up next to God…"[43]
Islamist interpretation of Sharia[edit]
Criticisms of Sharia law - or orthodox sharia law[44] - are varied and not always in agreement. They include: that Islamist leaders are often ignorant of Islamic law, the Islamist definition of Sharia is in error, its implementation is impractical, and that flexible solutions have been ignored, that its scriptural basis has been corrupted, and that its enforcement is un-Islamic.
Ignorance[edit]
Despite the great importance Islamists gave to strict adherence to Sharia, many were not trained jurists. Islamic scholar and moderate abou el Fadl complains that "neither Qutb nor Mawdudi were trained jurists, and their knowledge of the Islamic jurisprudential tradition was minimal. Nevertheless, like `Abd al-Wahhad, Mawdudi and Qutb imagined Islamic law to be a set of clear cut, inflexible and rigid positive commands that covered and regulated every aspect of life." [45]
Dale C. Eikmeier points out the "questionable religious credentials" of many Islamist theorists, or "Qutbists," which can be a "means to discredit them and their message":

With the exception of Abul Ala Maududi and Abdullah Azzam, none of Qutbism’s main theoreticians trained at Islam’s recognized centers of learning. Although a devout Muslim, Hassan al Banna was a teacher and community activist. Sayyid Qutb was a literary critic. Muhammad Abd al-Salam Faraj was an electrician. Ayman al-Zawahiri is a physician. Osama bin Laden trained to be a businessman.[46]
Sharia as single universal set of laws to obey[edit]
Islamists such as Sayyid Qutb and Ayatollah Khomeini have argued that Islam cannot be Islam without the application of Sharia law. According to Qutb, "The Muslim community with these characteristics vanished at the moment the laws of God [i.e. Sharia] became suspended on earth." [47]
Khomeini preaches:

in Islam the legislative power and competence to establish laws belongs exclusively to God Almighty. The Sacred Legislator of Islam is the sole legislative power. No one has the right to legislate and no law may be executed except the law of the Divine Legislator.[48]
The alleged hypocrites and apostates reply that the Quran itself seems to deny there is one sharia for everyone to obey:

`To each of you God has prescribed a Law [Sharia] and a Way. If God would have willed, He would have made you a single people. But God's purpose is to test you in what he has given each of you, so strive in the pursuit of virtue, and know that you will all return to God [in the Hereafter], and He will resolve all the matters in which you disagree. [Quran 5:48] [49]
According to these dissenters the definition of Sharia as being the body of Muslim jurisprudence, its various commentaries and interpretations, only came later in Islamic history. Many modernists argue this jurisprudence is "entirely man-made, written by Muslim scholars according to their various schools, based on their best understanding of how the Qur'an should be translated into codes of law." [50]
One scholar, Muhammad Sa'id al-'Ashmawi a specialist in comparative and Islamic law at Cairo University, argues that the term Sharia, as used in the Qur'an, refers not to legal rules but rather to "the path of Islam consisting of three streams: 1) worship, 2) ethical code, and 3) social intercourse.[51] Thus al-`Ashmawi and many other modernists insist that the Shari'a is very different than Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh) and that fiqh must be reinterpreted anew by scholars in every age in accordance with their understanding."
"In Turkey, the Islamist [or post-Islamist] AK party has many members who speak of Sharia as a metaphor for a moral society." [52]
Thus "there is no one Sharia but rather many different, even contesting ways to build a legal structure in accordance with God's vision for mankind." [53]
One difference between this interpretation and the orthodox Sharia is in the penalty for apostasy from Islam. Non-Islamist Sudanese cleric Abdullah Ahmad an-Na'im states: ".... This aspect of sharia is fundamentally inconsistent with the numerous provisions of the Quran and Sunna which enjoin freedom of religion and expression." [54]
Overly simplistic[edit]
A related criticism is that Islamist "politics of identity have relegated the Sharia to a level of political slogan, instead of elevating it to the level of intellectual complexity at which our jurisprudential forefather discussed it, debated it, and wrote about it. .... Superficial political chants claiming that the Qur'an is our constitution or that the Shari'a is our guide," are heard but not discussion "of what a constitution is, which parts of the Qur'an are 'constitutional,' or how the Shari'a is to guide us on any particular matter of legal relevance." [55]
Historical record[edit]
Another (unrelated) complaint against a revival of Sharia law is that strict application of orthodox Sharia law has been tried repeatedly throughout Islamic history and always found to be impractical.
Daniel Pipes says "the historical record shows that every effort in modern times to apply the Shari`a in its entirety - such as those made in Saudi Arabia, the Sudan, Libya, Iran, and Pakistan - ended up disappointing the fundamentalists, for realities eventually had to be accommodated. Every government devoted to full implementation finds this an impossible assignment." [56]
Olivier Roy refers to the call to enforce Sharia, as a periodic cycle of Islamic history "as old as Islam itself." But one that is "still new because it has never been fulfilled. It is a tendency that is forever setting the reformer, the censor, and tribunal against the corruption of the times and of sovereigns, against foreign influence, political opportunism, moral laxity, and the forgetting of sacred texts."[57]
Leading Islamists, in contrast, maintain that in addition to being divine, Sharia (or again orthodox Sharia), is easy to implement. Qutb believed that Sharia would be no problem to implement because there is "no vagueness or looseness" in its provisions.[58]
Khomeini contended

Islam has made the necessary provision; and if laws are needed, Islam has established them all. There is no need for you, after establishing a government, to sit down and draw up laws, or, like rulers who worship foreigners and are infatuated with the west, run after others to borrow their laws. Everything is ready and waiting.[59]
Quran as Constitution[edit]
"The Quran is our Constitution" or "the Quran is our law,"[60][61][62] is "the slogan encountered from the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood to the Afghan Islamists."[63] But non-Islamist criticism replies that only 245 of the 6000 verses in the Quran concern legislation, and only 90 of those concern constitutional, civil, financial or economic matters. Scarcely enough to form a constitution.[64] There is a resolution in Constitution of Pakistan that no law or policy can go against "the principles of Islam".
Ignoring Maslaha[edit]
A solution to this problem embraced by modernists and usually ignored by Islamists, is the inclusion of the principle that Islamic law must serve the general common good or maslaha. This open-ended requirement clashes with Qutb's idea that there is "no vagueness or looseness" in Sharia.

"Many modernist use as the point of departure the well-established Islamic concept of maslaha (the public interest or common good.) For those schools that place priority on the role of maslaha in Islamic thinking, Islam by definition serves the common good; therefore, if a given policy or position demonstrably does not serve the public interest it simply is "not Islam". This formulation is used by the huge Muhammadiyah movement in Indonesia, among others. The pioneering Egyptian Islamic thinker Muhammad `Abdu spoke in similar terms when he criticized Muslim neglect of the concept of `common good` and rulers' emphasis on obedience above justice." [65]
Ibn Aqil believed Islamic law could consider the welfare of those who broke Islamic law and go beyond what was "explicitly supported" by the Quran.

Islam approves of all policy which creates good and eradicates evil even when it is not based on any revelation. That is how the Companions of the Prophet understood Islam. Abu Bakr, for example, appointed Umar to succeed him without precedent. Umar suspended the Quranically mandated punishment of hand amputation during a famine, he suspended it also when he discovered that two thieves, the employees of Hatib, were under-paid. And so on.[66]
Compulsion in Sharia[edit]
Islamist governments such as Iran's have emphasized compulsion in personal behavior (such as the wearing of hijab) enforced with religious police. The question here is, if compelling people to obey Shariah law means they may be obeying out of fear of punishment by men rather than devotion to God's law, whether this negates the merit of the act in the eyes of God. Compulsion in religious observance deprives "the observant of the credit for following God's order through personal volition. Only free acts of piety and worship have merit in God's eyes." [67]
Ignoring problems with the development of orthodox Sharia[edit]
Finally there is the question of accuracy of the ahadith or sayings of the Prophet which forms the basis of most Sharia law. The sayings were not written down for some generations but transmitted orally. An elaborate method has been developed to verify and rate hadith according to levels of authenticity, including isnad or chains of the hadith's trasmission. Nonetheless these were often not essential elements "in the dissemination of a hadith ... before the 9th century, when the collections were completed. Joseph Schacht's extensive research on the development of the Shariah has shown how quite a large number of widely acknowledged hadith had their chain of transmission added conjecturally so as to make them appear more authentic. Hence Schacht's maxim: `the more perfect the isnad, the later the tradition.`" But as a non-Muslim Orientialist, the persuasive authority of Schacht and his works are limited.[68]
Aside from these doubts of ahadith, orthodox and Islamist teachers ignore the history of the development of Islamic jurisprudence over centuries maintaining that "Islamic law has not come into being the way conventional law has." It did not begin "with a few rules that gradually multiplied or with rudimentary concepts refined by cultural process with the passage of time."[69] When in fact, according to Aslan, "that is exactly how the Shariah developed: `with rudimentary concepts refined by cultural process with the passage of time.' This was a process influenced not only by local cultural practices but by both Talmudic and Roman law. ... the sources from which these [early schools of law] formed their traditions, especially ijma, allowed for the evolution of thought. For this reason, their opinions of the Ulama ... were constantly adapting to contemporary situations, and the law itself was continually reinterpreted and reapplied as necessary." [70]
In the mean time at madrassas in the Muslim world, thousands of "young Muslims are indoctrinated in a revival of Traditionalist orthodoxy especially with regard to the static, literalist interpretation of the Quran and the divine, infallible nature of the Shariah."[70]
Case of hijab[edit]
Hijab, or covering of a woman's head and body, is arguably "the most distinctive emblem of Islam".[71] Compulsory wearing of the hijab is also a hallmark of Islamist states such as Iran and famously the Taliban Afghanistan. In the Islamic Republic of Iran, the Prosecutor-General, Abolfazl Musavi-Tabrizi has been quoted as saying: "Any one who rejects the principle of hijab in Iran is an apostate and the punishment for an apostate under Islamic law is death" (August 15, 1991).[72] The Taliban's Islamic Emirate required women to cover not only their head but their face as well, because "the face of a woman is a source of corruption" for men not related to them.[73] The burqa Afghan women were required to wear in public was the most drastic form of hijab with very limited vision. Both states claim(ed) they are (were) simply enforcing Sharia law.
True terror has reportedly been used to enforce hijab "in Pakistan, Kashmir, and Afghanistan," according to a Rand Corporation commentary by Cheryl Benard. "[H]undreds of women have been blinded or maimed when acid was thrown on their unveiled faces by male fanatics who considered them improperly dressed," for failure to wear hijab.[74] An example being use of acid against women by Islamist leader Gulbuddin Hekmatyar in the 1970s,[75][76] and a 2001 "acid attack on four young Muslim women in Srinagar ... by an unknown militant outfit, and the swift compliance by women of all ages on the issue of wearing the chadar (head-dress) in public." [77][78][79]
Islamists in other countries have been accused of attacking or threatening to attack the faces of women in an effort to intimidate them from wearing of makeup or allegedly immodest dress.[80] [81] [82]
But according to some critics there is a real question as to the scriptural or historical basis of this basic issue of Muslim women's lives. According to Leila Ahmed, nowhere in the whole of the Quran is "the term hijab applied to any woman other than the wives of Muhammad."[71] Such critics claim that the veil predates the revelation of the Quran as it "was introduced into Arabia long before Muhammad, primarily through Arab contacts with Syria and Iran, where the hijab was a sign of social status. After all, only a woman who need not work in the fields could afford to remain secluded and veiled. ... In the Muslim community "there was no tradition of veiling until around 627 C.E."[71]
Case of ridda[edit]
Further information: Apostasy in Islam
Traditionally ridda, or converting from Islam to another religion is a capital crime in Islam. Islamists have been noted for their enthusiasm in enforcing the penalty. But like hijab however, there is question over the scriptural or historical basis of the proscribed sentence of death. According to reformist author Reza Aslan, belief in the death sentence for apostates originated with early Caliph Abu Bakr's "war against tribes that had annulled their oath of allegiance to the Prophet." The war was to "prevent Muhammad's community from dissolving back into the old tribal system," but was a political and not a religious war. "Still, the Riddah Wars did have the regrettable consequence of permanently associating apostasy (denying one's faith) with treason (denying the central authority of the Caliph)," which made apostasy "a capital crime in Islam."[83]
Innovations to Islam[edit]
Islamists and Islamic revivalists have striven to eliminate Western practices in their lives - the use of toothbrushes, mixing of the sexes, women walking about with uncovered heads, Saturday-Sunday weekend days off, applause of speakers[84][85] - but according to Daniel Pipes, "even in rejecting the West, they accept it," and introduce Western-style innovations to Islam.[86]
Tendency towards modernism[edit]
Critics have noted that Islamists have claimed to uphold eternal religious/political principles but sometimes change with the times, for example embracing "far more modern and egalitarian" interpretations of social justice - including socialist ideas - than the rightly guided caliphs would ever have conceived of.[87] Islamists in power in the Islamic Republic of Iran, have had to "quietly put aside" traditional Islamic divorce and inheritance law and replace them with statutes addressing "contemporary Iranian social needs," according to Graham Fuller.[88] Another critic, Asghar Schirazi, has followed the progress of changes in divorce law in Iran, starting with the western innovation of court divorce for women — a deviation from traditional Islamic Talaq divorce introduced before the Islamic Revolution. Court divorce went from being denounced by the Ayatollah Khomeini in the 1960s as the product of orders by "agents of foreign powers for the purpose of annihilating Islam," to the law of the land in the Islamic Republic by 1992.[89] Other loosening of prohibitions on previously unIslamic activity in the Islamic Republic include allowing the broadcast of music,[90] and family planning.[91]
Church-like structures[edit]
"Traditional Islam was characterized by informal organizations. Virtually every major decision - establishing a canonical text of the Qur'an, excluding philosophical inquiry, or choosing which religious scholars to heed - was reached in an unstructured and consensual way."[86]
Islamists, "ignorant of this legacy, have set up church-like structures."

A number of religious functionaries have come into being whose posts were previously unheard of, for example: the Secretary of the Muslim World League, the Secretary General of the Islamic Conference, the Rector of the Islamic University in Medina, and so [on] and so forth. For the first time in history the imam of the Ka'ba has been sent on tour of foreign countries as if he were an Apostolic Nuntius.[92]
The most extreme form of this adoption of church-like behavior is found in the Islamic Republic of Iran where the state demand for obedience to the fatawa of supreme cleric Khomeini strongly resembled the doctrine of Papal infallibility of the Roman Catholic Church, and where the demotion of a rival of Khomeini, Ayatollah Muhammad Kazim Shari`atmadari (d. 1986), resembled "defrocking" and "excommunicating," despite the fact that "no machinery for this has ever existed in Islam."

Other trends, such as centralized control over budgets, appointments to the professoriate, curricula in the seminaries, the creation of religious militias, monopolizing the representation of interests, and mounting a Kulturkampf in the realm of the arts, the family, and other social issues tell of the growing tendency to create an "Islamic episcopacy" in Iran.[93]
Friday as Sabbath[edit]
"Traditionally, Friday was a day of congregating for prayer, not a day of rest. Indeed, the whole idea of sabbath is alien to the vehemently monotheistic spirit of Islam, which deems the notion of God needing a day of rest falsely anthropomorphic. Instead, the Qur'an (62:9-10) instructs Muslims to `leave off business` only while praying; once finished, they should `disperse through the land and seek God's bounty` - in other words, engage in commerce.
"Christian imperialists imposed Sunday as the weekly day of rest throughout their colonies, ... Recently, as the Sunday sabbath came to be seen as too Western, Muslim rulers asserted their Islamic identities by instituting Friday as the day off." [86] This contradiction was recognized by some Islamists. Omar Bakri Muhammad, qadi of the so-called Shari'ah Court of the United Kingdom protested: "Unfortunately, some Muslims have become consumers of the western culture to the extent that many Muslims celebrate and wrongly take the day of Friday as a weekly holiday in contrast to Saturday of the Jews and Sunday of the Christians. Whereas the idea of a holiday does not exist in Islam and contradicts with the Islamic culture." [86][94]
Western political concepts[edit]
One critic has compiled a list of concepts borrowed from the West and alien to the Sharia used in the constitution of Islamic Republic of Iran: 'sovereignty of the people` (hakemiyat-e melli), 'nation' (mellat), 'the rights of the nation' (hoquq-e mellat), 'the legislature' (qovveh-e moqannaneb), 'the judiciary' (qovveh-e qaza'iyeh), 'parliament' (majles), 'republic' (jomhuri), 'consultation of the people' (hameh-porsi), 'elections' (entekhabat).[95]
Idea of historical progress[edit]
Sayyid Qutb adopted the "Marxist notion of stages of history", with the demise of capitalism and its replacement with communism, but then adding yet another stage, the ultimate Islamic triumph. Islam would replace communism after humanity realized communism could not fulfill its spiritual needs, and Islam was "the only candidate for the leadership of humanity." [96]
Feminism[edit]
For Islamists women's condition under Islam is a major issue. Women regularly attend public mosque salah services and new mosques consequently allot far more space to women's sections.[86]
But in explaining Islam's or Islamism's superiority in its treatment of women, many Islamists take positions unknown to the early Muslims they seek to emulate. Founder of the Muslim Brotherhood, Hasan al-Banna believed "Muslim women have been free and independent for fifteen centuries. Why should we follow the example of Western women, so dependent on their husbands in material matters?"[97] President of the Islamic Republic of Iran Mohammad Khatami boasted that "under the Islamic Republic, women have full rights to participate in social, cultural, and political activities;"[98] as did Islamist Hasan at-Turabi, the former leader of Sudan: "Today in Sudan, women are in the army, in the police, in the ministries, everywhere, on the same footing as men." Turabi explains that "a woman who is not veiled is not the equal of men. She is not looked on as one would look on a man. She is looked at to see if she is beautiful, if she is desirable. When she is veiled, she is considered a human being, not an object of pleasure, not an erotic image."[99]
Ideology[edit]
Traditional Islam emphasized man's relation with God and living by Sharia, but not the state "which meant almost nothing to them but trouble ... taxes, conscription, corvée labor." Islamists and revivalists embrace the state, in statements like: Islam "is rich with instructions for ruling a state, running an economy, establishing social links and relationships among the people and instructions for running a family,"[100] and "Islam is not precepts or worship, but a system of government."[101]
Rather than comparing their movement against other religions, Islamists are prone to say "We are not socialist, we are not capitalist, we are Islamic."[102]
In his famous 1988 appeal to Gorbachev to replace Communism with Islam, Imam Khomeini talked about the need for a "real belief in God" and the danger of materialism, but said nothing about the five pillars, did not mention Muhammad or monotheism. What he did say was that "nowadays Marxism in his economic and social approaches, is facing the blind alley" and that "the Islamic Republic of Iran can easily supply the solution the believing vacuum of your country". Materialism is mentioned in the context of "materialistic ideology." [86][103]
Innovation in Sharia[edit]
Traditionally Sharia law was elaborated by independent jurist scholars, had precedence over state interests, and was applied to people rather than territories. "[T]he caliph, though otherwise the absolute chief of the community of Muslims, had not the right to legislate but only to make administrative regulations with the limits laid down by the sacred Law."[104]
Islamists in Iran and Sudan extended the purview of Sharia but gave the state, not independent jurists, authority over it. The most extreme example of this was the Ayatollah Khomeini's declaration in 1988 that "the government is authorized unilaterally to abolish its lawful accords with the people and ... to prevent any matter, be it spiritual or material, that poses a threat to its interests." Which meant that, "for Islam, the requirements of government supersede every tenet, including even those of prayer, fasting and pilgrimage to Mecca."[105] Something not even Ataturk, the most committed Muslim secularist, dared to do.
Traditionally Sharia applied to people rather than territories - Muslims were to obey wherever they were, non-Muslims were exempt. The idea that law was based on jurisdictions - with towns, states, counties each having their own laws - was a European import. "Turabi declares that Islam `accepts territory as the basis of jurisdiction.`[106] As a result, national differences have emerged. The Libyan government lashes all adulterers. Pakistan lashes unmarried offenders and stones married ones. The Sudan imprisons some and hangs others. Iran has even more punishments, including head shaving and a year's banishment.[107] In the hands of fundamentalists, the Shari`a becomes just a variant of Western, territorial law." [86]
Under the new Islamist interpretation, the "millennium-old exclusion" of non-Muslims "from the Sharia is over." Umar Abd ar-Rahman, the blind sheikh, "is adamant on this subject: `it is very well known that no minority in any country has its own laws.`[108] Abd al-`Aziz ibn Baz, the Saudi religious leader, calls on non-Muslims to fast during Ramadan. In Iran, [non-Muslim] foreign women may not wear nail polish - on the grounds that this leaves them unclean for (Islamic) prayer. ... A fundamentalist party in Malaysia wants to regulate how much time unrelated [non-Muslim] Chinese men and women may spend alone together." [86]
Islamic economics[edit]
Criticism of Islamist (or Islamic) economics have been particularly contemptuous, alleging that effort of "incoherence, incompleteness, impracticality, and irrelevance;" [109][110] driven by "cultural identity" rather than problem solving.[111] Another source has dismissed it as "a hodgepodge of populist and socialist ideas," in theory and "nothing more than inefficient state control of the economy and some almost equally ineffective redistribution policies," in practice.[112]

In a political and regional context where Islamist and ulema claim to have an opinion about everything, it is striking how little they have to say about this most central of human activities, beyond repetitious pieties about how their model is neither capitalist nor socialist.[112]
Riba[edit]
One complaint comes from Pakistan were Islamization, includes banning of interest on loans or riba, got underway with military ruler General Zia al-Haq (1977–1988), a supporter of "Islamic resurgence" who pledged to eliminate `the curse of interest.` One critic of this attempt, Kemal A. Faruki, complained that (at least in their initial attempts) Islamizers wasted much effort on "learned discussions on riba" and ... doubtful distinctions between `interest` and `guaranteed profits,` etc." in Western-style banks, "while turning a blind eye" to a far more serious problem outside of the formal, Western-style banking system:

usury perpetrated on the illiterate and the poor by soodkhuris (lit. `devourers of usury`). These officially registered moneylenders under the Moneylenders Act are permitted to lend at not more than 1% below the State Bank rate. In fact they are Mafia-like individuals who charge interest as high as 60% per annum collected ruthlessly in monthly installments and refuse to accept repayment of the principal sum indefinitely. Their tactics include intimidation and force. [113]
Social justice[edit]
On the same note, another critic has attacked Islamist organizations in that country for silence about "any kind of genuine social or economic revolution, except to urge, appropriately, that laws, including taxation, be universally applied." In the strongly Islamic country of Pakistan for example, this despite the fact that "social injustice is rampant, extreme poverty exists, and a feudal political and social order are deeply rooted from eras preceding the country's founding." [114] This lack of interest is not unique to Pakistan. "The great questions of gross maldistribution of economic benefits, huge disparities in income, and feudal systems of landholding and human control remain largely outside the Islamist critique." [115]
Enmity towards the West[edit]
Main article: War against Islam
Major Islamist figures such as Sayyid Qutb and Ayatollah Khomeini emphasize antipathy towards non-Muslims and anything un-Islamic. Sayyid Qutb, for example, opposed co-existence with non-Muslims and believed the world divided into "truth and falsehood" - Islam being truth and everything else being falsehood. "Islam cannot accept or agree to a situation which is half-Islam and half-Jahiliyyah ... The mixing and co-existence of the truth and falsehood is impossible,"[116] Western civilization itself was "evil and corrupt," a "rubbish heap."[117]
Olivier Roy explains Islamist attacks on Christians and other non-Muslims as a need for a scapegoat for failure.

Since Islam has an answer to everything, the troubles from which Muslim society is suffering are due to nonbelievers and to plots, whether Zionist or Christian. Attacks against Jews and Christians appear regularly in neofundamentalist articles. In Egypt, Copts are physically attacked. In Afghanistan, the presence of western humanitarians, who are associated with Christian missionaries [despite the fact that many if not most have secular often leftist backgrounds] is denounced.[118]
Verses of the Quran and enmity[edit]
But whatever the explanation, the sentiments of Qutb and Khomeini seem to clash with Quranic calls for moderation and toleration according to critics:

`all those who believe -- the Jews, the Sabians, the Christians -- anyone who believes in Allah and the Last Days, and who does good deeds, will have nothing to fear or regret.` [Quran 5:69]

`We believe in what has been revealed to us, just as we believe in what has been revealed to you [i.e. Jews and Christians] Our God and Your God are the same; and it is to Him we submit.` [Quran 29:46] [119]
Another points out ayat endorsing diversity:

`If thy Lord had willed, He would have made humankind into a single nation, but they will not cease to be diverse ... And, for this God created them [humankind]` [Quran 11:118]

`To each of you God has prescribed a Law and a Way. If God would have willed, He would have made you a single people. But God's purpose is to test you in what He has given each of you, so strive in the pursuit of virtue, and know that you will all return to God [in the Hereafter], and He will resolve all the matters in which you disagree.` [Quran 5:48][120]
... and ayat that seem to be at odds with offensive jihad against non-Muslims Qutb and others promote:

`If your enemy inclines towards peace, then you should seek peace and trust in God` [Quran 8:61]

`... If God would have willed, He would have given the unbelievers power over you [Muslims], and they would have fought you [Muslims], Therefore, if they [the unbelievers] withdraw from you and refuse to fight you, and instead send you guarantees of peace, know that God has not given you a license [to fight them].` [Quran 4:90]
As Abu al-Fadl says, "these discussions of peace would not make sense if Muslims were in a permanent state of war with nonbelievers, and if nonbelievers were a permanent enemy and always a legitimate target." [121]
Sunna and enmity[edit]
The policies of the prophet – whose behavior during the 23 years of his ministry makes up Sunnah or model for all Muslims – after conquering Mecca were notably light on bloodletting. While everyone was required to take an oath of allegiance to him and never again wage war against him, he "declared a general amnesty for most of his enemies, including those he had fought in battle. Despite the fact that islamic law now made the Quraysh his slaves, Muhammad declared all of Mecca's inhabitants (including its slaves) to be free. Only six men and four women were put to death for various crimes, and not one was forced to convert to Islam, though everyone had to take an oath of allegiance never again to wage war against the Prophet." [122]
Alleged conspiracies against Islam[edit]
Khomeini believed "imperialists" - British and then American - had 300-year-long "elaborate plans for assuming control of" the East, the purpose of which was "to keep us backward, to keep us in our present miserable state so they can exploit our riches, our underground wealth, our lands and our human resources. They want us to remain afflicted and wretched, and our poor to be trapped in their misery ... "[123] One complaint of this approach by critics is that these "conspiracy theor[ies]" revolving around the "ready-to-wear devil" of the West are "currently paralyzing Muslim political thought. For to say that every failure is the devil's work is the same as asking God, or the devil himself (which is to say these days the Americans), to solve one's problems." [124]
Christian Crusades[edit]
The belief of some, such as Sayyid Qutb, that the Crusades were an attack on Islam,[125] or at least "a wanton and predatory aggression" against Muslim countries from which Muslims developed a rightful mistrust of Christians/Europeans/Westerners, has been called into question.
According to historian Bernard Lewis, the Crusades were indeed religious wars for Christians, but to

recover the lost lands of Christendom and in particular the holy land where Christ had lived, taught and died. In this connection, it may be recalled that when the Crusaders arrived in the Levant not much more than four centuries had passed since the Arab Muslim conquerors had wrested theses lands from Christendom - less than half the time from the Crusades to the present day - and that a substantial proportion of the population of these lands, perhaps even a majority, was still Christian." [126]
The Arab Muslim contemporaries of the Crusaders did not refer to them as "Crusaders or Christians but as Franks or Infidels". Rather than raging at their aggression, "with few exceptions, the Muslim historians show little interest in whence or why the Franks had come, and report their arrival and their departure with equal lack of curiosity."[127] Crusaders and Muslims allied with each other against other alliances of Crusaders and Muslims.[128] Rather than being event of such trauma that Muslims developed an old and deep fear of Christians/Europeans/Westerners from it, the crusaders' invasion was just one of many such by barbarians coming from "East and West alike" during this time of "Muslim weakness and division." [127]
Lewis argues that any traumatization from the Crusades felt by Muslims surely would pale in comparison to what European Christendom felt from Islam. The Crusades started in 1096 and the Crusaders lost their last toe-hold when the city of Acre, was taken less than two hundred years later in 1291, whereas Europe felt under constant threat from Islam, "from the first Moorish landing in Spain [711] to the second Turkish siege of Vienna [1683]."

All but the easternmost provinces of the Islamic realm had been taken from Christian rulers, and the vast majority of the first Muslims west of Iran and Arabia were converts from Christianity. North Africa, Egypt, Syria, even Persian-ruled Iraq had been Christian countries, in which Christianity was older and more deeply rooted than in most of Europe. Their loss was sorely felt and heightened the fear that a similar fate was in store for Europe. In Spain and in Sicily, Muslim faith and Arab culture exercised a powerful attraction, and even those who remained faithful to the Christian religion often adopted the Arabic language." [129]
William Cantwell Smith observes that

until Karl Marx and the rise of communism, the Prophet organized and launched the only serious challenge to Western civilization that it has faced in the whole course of its history ... Islam is the only positive force that has won converts away from Christianity - by the tens of millions ...[130]
Division of Muslim world into many separate states[edit]
According to the Ayatollah Khomeini and other Islamists, one glaring example of an attempt by the West to weaken the Muslim world was the division of the Ottoman empire, the largest Muslim state and home of the Caliph, into 20 or so "artificially created separate nations," when that empire fell in 1918.[131] Western powers did partition the Arab world (which made up most of the Ottoman empire) after World War I, while the general Arab Muslim sentiment in much of the 20th Century was for wahda (unity).[132]
In exampling the question of whether this was a case of "divide and rule" policy by Western imperialists, international relations scholar Fred Halliday points out there were plenty of other explanations for the continued division: rivalries between different Arab rulers and the reluctance of distinct regional populations to share statehood or power with other Arabs, rivalries between Saudi Arabia and Yemen in the Peninsula or between Egypt and Syria. Anger in Syria over Egyptian dominance in the United Arab Republic that led to its division in 1961. The difficulty of unifying a large group of states even though they share much the desire, the same language, culture and religion is mirrored in the failure of Latin America to merge in the first decades of the 19th century after the Spanish withdrawal, when "broad aspirations, inspired by Simon Bolivar, for Latin American unity foundered on regional, elite and popular resistance, which ended up yielding, as in the Arab world, around twenty distinct states."[132]

The more general claim that imperialism and colonialism divide in order to rule is, in broad terms, simplistic: the overall record of colonialism has been to merge and unite previously disparate entities, be this in 16th century Ireland, 19th-century India and Sudan or 20th century Libya and Southern Arabia. The British supported the formation of the League of Arab states in 1945 and tried, in the event unsuccessfully, to create united federations first in Southern Arabia (1962-7) and then in the Gulf states (1968-71). As Sami Zubaida has pointed out in his talks, imperialism in fact tends to unite and rule. It is independent states such as India and Pakistan (later Pakistan and Bangladesh), as well as Ireland, Cyprus and indeed, the USSR and Yugoslavia, that promote fragmentation." [132]
Antisemitism[edit]
Islamists, according to Robert S. Wistrich, are the primary force behind 21st century antisemitism.[133]
Alleged Jewish conspiracies against Islam[edit]
Islamists from the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood on the moderate end ("Such are the Jews, my brother, Muslim lion cub, your enemies and the enemies of God"[134]), to the bin Laden at the extreme ("Jews are masters of usury and leaders in treachery"[135]), have issued powerful and categorical anti-Jewish statements.
Among Islamist opinion makers, both Qutb and Khomeini talked about Jews as both early and innate enemies of Islam. Qutb believed that

At the beginning the enemies of the Muslim community did not fight openly with arms but tried to fight the community in its belief through intrigue, spreading ambiguities, creating suspicions.
And goes on to say, "the Jews are behind materialism, animal sexuality, the destruction of the family and the dissolution of society." [136]
Khomeini mentions the "Jews of Banu Qurayza", who were eliminated by Muhammad, as an example of the sort of "troublesome group" that Islam and the Islamic state must "eliminate."[137] and explains that "from the very beginning, the historical movement of Islam has had to contend with the Jews, for it was they who first established anti-Islamic propaganda and engaged in various stratagems."[138]
Qutb's anti-Judaism has been criticized as obsessive and irrational by Daniel Benjamin and Steven Simon who quote him saying

that `anyone who leads this community away from its religion and its Quran can only be Jewish agent` - in other words, any source of division, anyone who undermines the relationship between Muslims and their faith is by definition a Jew. The Jews thus become the incarnation of all that is anti-Islamic, and such is their supposed animosity that they will never relent `because the Jews will be satisfied only with destruction of this religion [Islam].` The struggle with the Jews will be a war without rules, since `from such creatures who kill, massacre and defame prophets one can only expect the spilling of human blood and dirty means which would further their machinations and evilness.` [139]
Alleged Jewish conspiracy against Muhammad[edit]
But specifically there is the issue of Jews conspired against Muhammad, those Jews being the Banu Qurayza mentioned by Khomeini, a tribe that collaborated with the Quraysh, the Muslims' powerful enemy, and whose men were executed and women and children sold into slavery in 627 AD as punishment.
That this event was the beginning of a Jewish-Muslim struggle is disputed by religious scholar Reza Aslan.

The execution of the Banu Qurayza was not, as it has so often been presented, reflective of an intrinsic religious conflict between Muhammad and the Jews. This theory, which is sometimes presented as an incontestable doctrine... is founded on the belief that Muhammad ... came to Medina fully expecting the Jews to confirm his identity as a prophet ... To his surprise, however the Jews not only rejected him but strenuously argued against the authenticity of the Qur’an as divine revelation. Worried that the rejection of the Jews would somehow discredit his prophetic claims, Muhammad had not choice but to turn violently against them, separate his community from theirs,[citation needed]
Aslan believes this theory is refuted by historical evidence:
The Banu Qurayza were not executed for being Jews. Non-Jews were also executed following the Battle of the Trench. "As Michael Lecker has demonstrated, a significant number of the Banu Kilab -- Arab clients of the Qurayza who allied with them as an auxiliary force outside Medina -- were also executed for treason." [140] Other Jews did not protest or side with the Banu Qurayza, and these Jews were left alone.
Most Jews were untouched. The 400 to 700 Banu Qurayza men killed were "no more than a tiny fraction of the total population of Jews who resided in Medina" who are estimated to have been between 24,000 and 28,000[141] These "remained in the oasis living amicably alongside their Muslim neighbors for many years" until they were expelled "under the leadership of Umar near the end of the seventh century C.E." along with all the other non-Muslims "as part of a larger Islamization process throughout the Arabian Peninsula." [142]
"Scholars almost unanimously agree, the execution of the Banu Qurayza did not in any way set a precedent for future treatment of Jews in Islamic territories. On the contrary, Jews throve under Muslim rule, especially after Islam expanded into Byzantine lands, where Orthodox rulers routinely persecuted both Jews and non-Orthodox Christians for their religious beliefs, often forcing them to convert to Imperial Christianity under penalty of death. In contrast, Muslim law, which considers Jews and Christians `protected peoples` (dhimmi), neither required nor encouraged their conversion to Islam. ... In return for a special `protection tax` called jizyah, Muslim law allowed Jews and Christians both religious autonomy and the opportunity to share in the social and economic institutions ..." [142]
"Finally and most importantly, ... Jewish clans in Medina -- themselves Arab converts -- were barely distinguishable from their pagan counterparts either culturally or, for that matter, religiously."
They spoke a language called ratan, and "[t]here is no evidence that they either spoke or understood Hebrew. Indeed, their knowledge of the Hebrew Scripture was likely limited to just a few scrolls of law, some prayer books, and a handful of fragmentary Arabic translations of the Torah -- What S. W. Baron refers to as a `garbled, oral tradition.`"[143]
They "neither strictly observed Mosaic law, nor seemed to have any real knowledge of the Talmud," nor were Israelites, which, according to J.G. Reissener, precluded them from being considered Jews. A non-Israelites Jew being required to be `a follower of the Mosaic Law ... in accordance with the principles laid down in the Talmud,` according to the strong consensus of opinion among Diaspora Jewish communities.[144]
In "their culture, ethnics, and even their religion, Medina's Jews ... were practically identical to Medina's pagan community, with whom they freely interacted and (against Mosaic law) frequently intermarried." [145]
Archeologists haven't found any "easily identifiable archeological evidence of a significant Jewish presence" at Medina. The usual "indicators -- such as the remnants of stone vessels, the ruins of immersion pools (miqva'ot), and the interment of ossuaries -- must be present at a site in order to confirm the existence there of an established Jewish religious identity."[146]
Hopes for world success and mass conversion[edit]
The anti-Islamist website islamistwatch.org quotes disapprovingly from a book of pioneer Islamist author Sayeed Abdul A'la Maududi that Islam is

a comprehensive system which envisages to annihilate all tyrannical and evil systems in the world and enforces its own programme of reform which it deems best for the well-being of mankind.[147]
Enforcing an Islamist program around the world would be greatly facilitated by mass conversion and according to Olivier Roy, "today's Islamist activists are obsessed with conversion: rumors that Western celebrities or entire groups are converting are hailed enthusiastically by the core militants."[148]
Critic Daniel Pipes has also noted Islamist contempt for, and ambitions to convert, other cultures and religions, criticizing specifically the contempt of Islamists in the United States for the country they have immigrated to. He quotes, for example, the wish of one Islamist living in the U.S. that North America turn "away from its past evil and marching forward under the banner of Allahu Akbar [God is great]." [149]
Aside from the complaint that pushing for mass conversion of non-Muslims to a different religion and culture is intolerant and aggressive, Olivier Roy argues it is simply unrealistic. "[T]he age of converting entire peoples is past," as we live in an era where religious belief is considered a personal matter. Likewise, a strategy to gradually convert non-Muslims "until the number of conversions shifts the balance of the society," is also problematic. Conversion to Islam "in a Christian environment ... generally indicates a marginalized person, a fanatic or a true mystic," in any case people with little desire or ability to join or build "a mass movement." [150]
Pipes also argues many prominent conversions to Islam appears to be part of a "recurring" pattern, rather than a mass movement. As he puts it, "Islam - in both its normative and Nation [i.e. Nation of Islam] variants" has become established "as a leading solace for African-Americans in need", specifically after trouble with the criminal justice system,[151] and includes a "well-established" oppositional "pattern of alienation, radicalism and violence."[152]
See also[edit]
Apostasy in Islam
Criticism of multiculturalism
Islam: What the West Needs to Know
Islamic terrorism
Liberal movements within Islam
Muslim Brotherhood
Takfir
War against Islam
Books & organisations[edit]
The Islamist
Undercover Mosque
Stop the Islamification of Europe - Political group
MANIFESTO: Together facing the new totalitarianism
Further reading[edit]
Abu al-Fadl, Khaled, Great Theft : wrestling Islam from the extremists, New York, NY : HarperSanFrancisco, c2005
Abu al-Fadl, Khaled, The Place of Tolerance in Islam, Beacon Press, 2002
Aslan, Reza, No god but God: The Origins, Evolution, and Future of Islam, Random House, 2005
Boulares, Habib, Islam, The Fear And The Hope, Atlantic Highlands, N.J. : Zed Books, 1990
Fluehr-Lobban, Carolyn ed., Against Islamic Extremism: The Writings of Muhammad Sa'id al-Ashmawy, Gainesville: University Press of Florida, (1998)
Fuller, Graham E., The Future of Political Islam, Palgrave MacMillan, (2003)
Halliday, Fred, 100 Myths about the Middle East, Saqi Books, 2005,
Kepel, Gilles, Jihad: The Trail of Political Islam by Gilles Kepel, Cambridge, Mass. : Harvard University Press, 2002.
Khomeini, Ruhollah. Algar, Hamid (translator and editor). Islam and Revolution: Writing and Declarations of Imam Khomeini. Berkeley: Mizan Press, 1981
Lewis, Bernard, Islam and the West by Bernard Lewis, Oxford University Press, 1993
Maalouf, Amin, The Crusades Through Arab Eyes (1985)
Mawdudi, S. Abul A'la, Islamic Law and Constitution, edited and translated into English by Khursid Ahmad, Jamaat-e-Islami Publications, 1955
Meddeb, Abelwahab (2003). The Malady of Islam. Basic Books. ISBN 0-465-04435-2.
Pipes, Daniel, In the Path of God : Islam and Political Power, by Daniel Pipes, New York : Basic Books, c1983.
Schirazi, Asghar, The Constitution of Iran : politics and the state in the Islamic Republic / by Asghar Schirazi, London ; New York : I.B. Tauris, 1997
Taheri, Amir, Holy Terror, the Inside Story of Islamic Terrorism, Sphere Books, 1987
Taheri, Amir, The Spirit of Allah : Khomeini and the Islamic Revolution by Amir Taheri, Adler and Adler c1985
References[edit]
1.Jump up ^ Roy, Failure of Political Islam, (1994)
2.Jump up ^ Aslan, Reza, No God But God : The Origins, Evolution, and Future of Islam, Random House, 2005
3.Jump up ^ Meddeb, Abelwahab (2003). The Malady of Islam. Basic Books
4.Jump up ^ Fluehr-Lobban, Carolyn ed., Against Islamic Extremism: The Writings of Muhammad Sa'id al-Ashmawy, Gainesville: University Press of Florida, (1998)
5.Jump up ^ Kepel, Gilles, Jihad: The Trail of Political Islam by Gilles Kepel, Cambridge, Mass. : Harvard University Press, 2002
6.Jump up ^ "Jihad and Jew Hatred." Voices on Antisemitism. United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. 17 July 2008. Web. 19 August 2013. Transcript.
7.Jump up ^ Abu al-Fadl, Khaled, Great Theft : wrestling Islam from the extremists, New York, NY : HarperSanFrancisco, c2005
8.Jump up ^ Fuller, (2003), p.39
9.Jump up ^ A Clarification of Questions, An Unabridged Translation of Resaleh Towzih al-Masael by Ayatollah Sayyed Ruhollah Mousavi Khomeini), Translated by J. Borujerdi, with a Foreword by Michael M. J. Fischer and Mehdi Abedi, Westview Press/ Boulder and London c1984
10.Jump up ^ Daniel Pipes The Rushdie Affair p.76.
11.Jump up ^ Fuller, (2003) p.39
12.Jump up ^ Kepel, Jihad, (2002), p.287
13.Jump up ^ Kepel, Jihad, (2002) p.287
14.Jump up ^ Radical Islam in Egypt and Jordan By Tal, Nachman
15.Jump up ^ At least up to the 1970s. from Pipes, Daniel, In the Path of God c1983, p.279
16.Jump up ^ Boulares, Habib, Islam, The Fear And The Hope, p.?
17.Jump up ^ Roy, Failure of Political Islam, (1994), p.60
18.Jump up ^ Husain, Ed (2007). The Islamist. Penguin. p. 146. "On a personal level, my relationship with God had deteriorated. ... as I had become more active in the Hizb, my inner consciousness of God had hit an all-time low. "We sermonized about the need for Muslims to return to Islam, but many of the shabab [activists] did not know how to pray. I witnessed at least four new converts to Islam at different university campuses, convinced of the superiority of the `Islamic political ideology` ... but lacking basic knowledge of worship."
19.Jump up ^ Roy, Failure of Political Islam, (1994), p.73
20.Jump up ^ Roy, Failure of Political Islam, (1996), p.60-2, 67
21.Jump up ^ this criticism is seconded by Malise Ruthven, an author on Middle Eastern affairs, in his book A fury for God, New York : Granta, 2002. p.69
22.Jump up ^ Roy, Failure of Political Islam, (1996), p.66-67
23.Jump up ^ Roy, Failure of Political Islam, (1996), p.195
24.Jump up ^ Kepel, Gilles, Jihad, Harvard University Press, (2002), p.13-4
25.Jump up ^ Roy, Failure of Political Islam, (1996), p.199
26.Jump up ^ Iran has "the lowest mosque attendance of any Islamic country," according to Zohreh Soleimani of the BBC. children of the revolution
 * Iranian clergy have complained that more than 70% of the population do not perform their daily prayers and that less than 2% attend Friday mosques, according to The Economist magazine. 16, January 2003
27.Jump up ^ Who Rules Iran?, New York Review of Books June 27, 2002
28.Jump up ^ Husain, Ed (2007). The Islamist. Penguin. pp. p.242, 244, 246.
29.Jump up ^ Osman, Tarek, Egypt on the brink, 2010, p.111
30.^ Jump up to: a b "Islam, Egypt and political theory: Échec mate". The Economist. 2013-07-05. Retrieved 6 July 2013.
31.Jump up ^ Qutb, Milestones, p.9
32.Jump up ^ Qutb, Milestones, p.16-20
33.Jump up ^ Mawdudi, Islamic Law and Constitution, (1955), p.259
34.Jump up ^ Qutb, Muhammad, Islam the Misunderstood Religion, p.176-78
35.Jump up ^ Khomeini, Islam and Revolution, p.57
36.Jump up ^ Meddeb, The Malady of Islam, (2003), p.104
37.Jump up ^ Meddeb, The Malady of Islam, (2003), p.44
38.Jump up ^ Egypt on the Brink by Tarek Osman, Yale University Press, 2010, (p.213)
39.Jump up ^ Halliday, 100 Myths, 2005, p.85-6
40.Jump up ^ Aslan, No God But God, 2005, p.80
41.Jump up ^ Pipes, In the Path of God, (1983), p.43
42.Jump up ^ Pipes, In the Path of God, (1983), p.42
43.^ Jump up to: a b Meddeb, Abdelwahab (2003). The malady of Islam. New York: Basic Books. p. 102. ISBN 0-465-04435-2. OCLC 51944373.
44.Jump up ^ In this context "Sharia" is defined as God's law, full stop. "Orthodox Sharia law" is defined as the traditional interpretation of it which some Muslims may not agree is God's law.
45.Jump up ^ abou el Fadl, Great Theft, Harper San Francisco, 2005, p.82
46.Jump up ^ Qutbism: An Ideology of Islamic-Fascism DALE C. EIKMEIER From Parameters, Spring 2007, pp. 85-98.
47.Jump up ^ Qutb, Milestones,p.9
48.Jump up ^ Islamic Government by Ayatollah Khomeini, 1970; p.55 of Islam and Revolution : Writings and Declarations of Imam Khomeini, (1982)
49.Jump up ^ Quoted in Abou El Fadl, Khaled, The Place of Tolerance in Islam, Abu al-Fadl, Boston : Beacon Press, c2002. p.17
50.Jump up ^ see Muhammad Sa`id `Ashmawi; Carolyn Fluehr-Lobban, Against Islamic Extremism: The Writings of Muhammad Sa'id al-Ashmawy, Gainesville: University Press of Florida, (1998) for "one incisive, yet controversial discussion of this issue."
51.Jump up ^ `Ashmawi, Against Islamic Extremism, (1998), p.l91
52.Jump up ^ Fuller, The Future of Political Islam, (2003) p.57
53.Jump up ^ Fuller, The Future of Political Islam, (2003) p.56-7
54.Jump up ^ Abdullah Ahmad an-Na'im, "Shari'a and Basic Human Rights Concerns", in Kurzman, Charles, Liberal Islam, Oxford University Press, 1996, p.5-6
55.Jump up ^ The Authoritative and Authoritarian In Islamic Discourses: A Contemporary Case Study by Khaled Abou El Fadl, Austin, TX : Dar Taiba, 1997. p.8
56.Jump up ^ Pipes, Daniel, In the Path of God, (1983) p.135
57.Jump up ^ Roy, The Failure of Political Islam, (1994), p.4)
58.Jump up ^ Qutb, Milestones, p.85
59.Jump up ^ Khomeini, Islam and Revolution, p.137-8
60.Jump up ^ Muslim Brotherhood
61.Jump up ^ Constitution of Saudi Arabia "The Quran is supposed to be the supreme law of the land ..."
62.Jump up ^ King Faisal of Saudi Arabia speaking in 1966 about whether the KSA would adopt a constitution: "Constitution? What for? The Koran is the oldest and most efficient constitution in the world." from: Political Power and the Saudi State by Ghassane Salameh footnote page 7, which in turn is from Le Monde, June 24, 1966
63.Jump up ^ Roy, Failure of Political Islam, (1998), p.42
64.Jump up ^ "Islam - Society and Change" by al-Sadiq al-Mahdi from Voices of Resurgent Islam, ed. John L. Esposito, (1983), p.233
65.Jump up ^ Dale Eickelman and James Piscatori, Muslim Politics, Princeton University Press, 1996, p.34
66.Jump up ^ "Islam - Society and Change" by al-Sadiq al-Mahdi, from Voices of Resurgent Islam, ed. John L. Esposito, 1983 p.234
67.Jump up ^ Fuller, The Future of Political Islam, (2003) p.64
68.Jump up ^ Schacht, Joseph, 1902-1969. The origins of Muhammadan jurisprudence,Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1950. quoted in Aslan, (2005), p.163
69.Jump up ^ unnamed teacher quoted by Aslan (2005), p.167
70.^ Jump up to: a b Aslan, (2005), p.167
71.^ Jump up to: a b c Aslan, (2005), p.65
72.Jump up ^ Dress Code
73.Jump up ^ M. J. Gohari (2000). The Taliban: Ascent to Power. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 108-110.
74.Jump up ^ Commentary. "French Tussle Over Muslim Head Scarf is Positive Push for Women's Rights" by Cheryl Benard
75.Jump up ^ Marzban, Omid (September 21, 2006). "Gulbuddin Hekmatyar: From Holy Warrior to Wanted Terrorist". The Jamestown Foundation. Retrieved 2008-07-04.[dead link]
76.Jump up ^ Chavis, Melody Ermachild (2003). Meena, heroine of Afghanistan: the martyr who founded RAWA, the Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan. New York, N.Y.: St. Martin's Press. p. 208. ISBN 978-0-312-30689-2.
77.Jump up ^ The Pioneer, August 14, 2001, "Acid test in the face of acid attacks" Sandhya Jain
78.Jump up ^ Kashmir women face threat of acid attacks from militants, Independent, The (London), Aug 30, 2001 by Peter Popham in Delhi
79.Jump up ^ 10 August, 2001, Kashmir women face acid attacks
80.Jump up ^ Molavi, Afshini The Soul of Iran, Norton, (2005), p.152: Following the mandating of the covering of hair by women in the Islamic Republic of Iran, a hijab-less woman `was shopping. A bearded young man approached me. He said he would throw acid on my face if I did not comply with the rules."
81.Jump up ^ In 2006, a group in Gaza calling itself "Just Swords of Islam" is reported to have claimed it threw acid at the face of a young woman who was dressed "immodestly," and warned other women in Gaza that they must wear hijab. Dec 2, 2006 Gaza women warned of immodesty
82.Jump up ^ Iranian journalist Amir Taheri tells of an 18-year-old college student at the American University in Beirut who on the eve of `Ashura in 1985 "was surrounded and attacked by a group of youths -- all members of Hezb-Allah, the Party of Allah. They objected to the `lax way` in which they thought she was dressed, and accused her of `insulting the blood of the martyrs` by not having her hair fully covered. Then one of the youths threw `a burning liquid` on her face." According to Taheri, "scores -- some say hundreds -- of women ... in Baalbek, in Beirut, in southern Lebanon and in many other Muslim cities from Tunis to Kuala Lumpur," were attacked in a similar manner from 1980 to 1986. Taheri, Amir, Holy Terror : the Inside Story of Islamic Terrorism, Adler & Adler, 1987, p.12
83.Jump up ^ Aslan, (2005), p.119
84.Jump up ^ Abou al-Fadl, Great Theft, (2004), p.172-4
85.Jump up ^ Roy, Failure of Islamism, (1994), p.82
86.^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g h The Western Mind of Radical Islam by Daniel Pipes First Things, December 1995
87.Jump up ^ Fuller, The Future of Political Islam, (2003) p.26
88.Jump up ^ Fuller, The Future of Political Islam, (2003) p.30
89.Jump up ^ Schirazi, Asghar, Constitution of Iran, I. B. Tauris (1998) p.219 Banning Women's Right to Divorce in Court
90.Jump up ^ Banning Music
91.Jump up ^ The Fall and Rise of Family Planning
92.Jump up ^ Detlev H. Khalid [Khalid Durán], "The Phenomenon of Re-Islamization," Aussenpolitik, 29 (1978): 448-49
93.Jump up ^ Shahrough Akhavi, "`Ulama': Shi`i `Ulama'," in John L. Esposito, ed., The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Modern Islamic World (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), vol. 4, p. 263.
94.Jump up ^ decision dated 20 December 1999
95.Jump up ^ Schirazi, The Constitution of Iran, (1997) p.18
96.Jump up ^ Walid Mahmoud Abdelnasser, The Islamic Movement in Egypt: Perceptions of International Relations, 1967-81, London: Kegan Paul International, 1994, p. 173.
97.Jump up ^ Corriere della Sera, 29 August 1994
98.Jump up ^ "An Interview with Iranian President Khatami," Middle East Insight, November–December 1997, p. 31
99.Jump up ^ Le Figaro, 15 April 1995
100.Jump up ^ IRI Supreme Leader Khamene'i on Iran Voice of the Islamic Republic of Iran, 7 June 1995
101.Jump up ^ Usama al-Baz, The Washington Times National Weekly Edition, 24–30 April 1995
102.Jump up ^ Anwar Ibrahim of Malaysia in The New York Times, 28 March 1980
103.Jump up ^ Imam Khomeini’s message to Gorbachev
104.Jump up ^ Joseph Schacht, An Introduction to Islamic Law, Oxford: At the Clarendon Press, 1964, p. 53. Those "administrative regulations" in fact amounted to a great deal of law.
105.Jump up ^ Keyhan [Newspaper], January 8, 1988. Nor was this Khomeini's only pronouncement along these lines. For example, shortly after coming to power, he announced that "to serve the nation is to serve God" (Radio Tehran, 3 November 1979).
106.Jump up ^ Quoted in Judith Miller, "Faces of Fundamentalism: Hassan al-Turabi and Muhammed Fadlallah," Foreign Affairs, November/December 1994, p. 132
107.Jump up ^ Ann Mayer, "The Shari`ah: A Methodology or a Body of Substantive Rules?" in Nicholas Heer, ed., Islamic Law and Jurisprudence (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1990), p. 193.
108.Jump up ^ The New Yorker, 12 April 1993
109.Jump up ^ Sohrab Behada, "Property Rights in Contemporary Islamic Economic Thought, Review of Social Economy, Summer 1989 v.47, (pp.185-211)
110.Jump up ^ Kuran, "The Economic Impact of Islamic Fundamentalism," in Marty and Appleby Fundamentalisms and the State, U of Chicago Press, 1993, p.302-41
111.Jump up ^ "The Discontents of Islamic Economic Mortality" by Timur Kuran, American Economic Review, 1996, p.438-442
112.^ Jump up to: a b Halliday, 100 Myths about the Middle East, (2005) p.89
113.Jump up ^ "The Islamic Resurgence: Prospects and Implications" by Kemal A. Faruki, from Voices of Resurgent Islam, ed. by John L. Esposito, 1983, p.289
114.Jump up ^ Fuller, Future of Political Islam (2003), p.26
115.Jump up ^ Fuller, Future of Political Islam (2003), p.196
116.Jump up ^ Qutb, Milestones, p.130
117.Jump up ^ Qutb, Milestones, p.139
118.Jump up ^ Roy, Failure of Political Islam, (1994) p.85
119.Jump up ^ Aslan, (2005), p.103
120.Jump up ^ Abu al-Fadl, Place of Tolerance in Islam, (2002) p.16
121.Jump up ^ Abu al-Fadl, Place of Tolerance in Islam, (2002) p.20-21
122.Jump up ^ Aslan, (2005), p. 106
123.Jump up ^ Islam and Revolution, p.34
124.Jump up ^ Roy, Failure of Political Islam (1994) p.19-20
125.Jump up ^ for example, Sayyid Qutb who believed the motivation of European imperialism was not "economic or political" but the same anti-Islamic hatred that drove the medieval crusades, or as he put it a "mask" to cover "the crusading spirit, since it is not possible for it to appear in its true form, as it was possible in the Middle Ages." from Qutb, Milestones, p.159-160
126.Jump up ^ Lewis, Islam and the West, (1993), p.12
127.^ Jump up to: a b Lewis, Islam and the West, (1993), p.13
128.Jump up ^ Maalouf, Amin, The Crusade Through Arab Eyes (1985) p.72
129.Jump up ^ Lewis, Islam and the West (1993), p.13
130.Jump up ^ Pipes, In the Path of God, (1983) p.85
131.Jump up ^ Khomeini, Islamic Government in Islam and Revolution Translated and annotated by Hamid Algar, (1981), p.48-49
132.^ Jump up to: a b c Halliday, 100 Myths about the Middle East, (2005), p.102-3
133.Jump up ^ Wistrich, Robert S. "Anti-Semitism and Jewish destiny." Jpost.com. 20 May 2015. 26 May 2015.
134.Jump up ^ column `Recognize the Enemies of Your Religion` from October 1980 children's supplement of al-Da'wa magazine entitled `The lion Cubs of al-Da'wa` quoted in Kepel, Le Prophete et Pharaon, p.112
135.Jump up ^ from 53-minute audiotape that "was circulated on various websites." dated Feb. 14, 2003. "Among a Band of Knights." quoted in Messages to the World, (2005) p.190,
136.Jump up ^ Sayyid Qutb, "Ma'rakatuna ma'a al-Yahud," [essay] 1951. Published in book of the same name Ma'rakatuna ma'a al-Yahud (Our battle with the Jews), Jedda, Saudi Arabia, 1970
137.Jump up ^ Khomeini, Islam and Revolution, (1981), p.89
138.Jump up ^ Khomeini, Islam and Revolution, (1981), p.27-8
139.Jump up ^ The Age of Sacred Terror by Daniel Benjamin and Steven Simon, p.68) (quotes from David Zeidan, `The Islamic Fundamentalist View of Life as Perennial Battle, Middle East Review of International Affairs, v.5, n.4 (Dec. 2001), accessed at meria.idc.aci.il/journal/2001/issue4/jv5n4a2.htm.
140.Jump up ^ Lecker, Michael, Muslims, Jews, and Pagans: Studies on Early Islamic Medina, Leiden, 1995. Quoted in Aslan, (2005), p.93-4
141.Jump up ^ Ahmad, Barakat, Muhammad and the Jews: A Re-Examination, New Delhi, 1979, pp.76-94
142.^ Jump up to: a b Aslan, (2005), p.94
143.Jump up ^ Baron, Salo Wittmayer, A Social and Religious History of the Jews, v.3, New York, 1964
144.Jump up ^ Reissener, H.G. "The Ummi Prophet and the Banu Israil," The Muslim World, 39, (1949)
145.Jump up ^ Newby, Gordon, A History of the Jews in Arabia, South Carolina, (1988), pp.75-79, 84-5, quoted in Aslan, (2005), p.97
146.Jump up ^ Reed, Jonathan, Archeology and the Galilean Jesus, A Re-Examination of the Evidence, Trinity Press International, (2000). Quoted in Aslan, (2005), p.97
147.Jump up ^ Sayeed Abdul A'la Maududi Jihad in Islam p.19
148.Jump up ^ Roy, Failure of Political Islam, (1994), p.6-7
149.Jump up ^ The Danger Within: Militant Islam in America Commentary, November 2001 quoting "Ismail Al-Faruqi, a Palestinian immigrant who founded the International Institute of Islamic Thought and taught for many years at Temple University in Philadelphia."
150.Jump up ^ Roy Failure of Political Islam, (1994), p.6-7
151.Jump up ^ If the King of Pop, Michael Jackson, Converts to Islam
152.Jump up ^ Converts to Terrorism



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Criticism of Islamism

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For criticism of Islam, see Criticism of Islam. For fear of or prejudice against Islam, see Islamophobia.
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Key texts



Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam
(Iqbal 1930s)

Principles of State and Government
(Asad 1961)

Ma'alim fi al-Tariq ("Milestones")
(Qutb 1965)

Islamic Government
(Khomeini 1970)

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Criticism of Islamism concerns critique of those beliefs or notions ascribed to Islamism or Islamist movements. Such criticisms focus on (among other issues) the role of Islam in legislation, the relationship between Islamism and freedom of expression and the rights of women and minorities.
Among those authors and scholars who have criticized Islamism, or some element of it, are Olivier Roy,[1] Joseph E. B. Lumbard, Reza Aslan,[2] Abdelwahab Meddeb,[3] Muhammad Sa'id al-'Ashmawi,[4] Gilles Kepel,[5] Matthias Küntzel,[6] and Khaled Abu al-Fadl.[7]



Contents  [hide]
1 Limits on freedom of expression
2 Emphasis on politics 2.1 Neglect of other issues
2.2 Dependence on virtue
2.3 Failure of Islamists in power
2.4 Failure of Islamist policies 2.4.1 Separation of the sexes

3 Vagueness
4 Irrelevance in modern times
5 Emphasis on early Islam
6 Unification of religion and state 6.1 Historical context
6.2 Historical necessity
6.3 Scriptural basis
7 Islamist interpretation of Sharia 7.1 Ignorance
7.2 Sharia as single universal set of laws to obey
7.3 Overly simplistic
7.4 Historical record
7.5 Quran as Constitution
7.6 Ignoring Maslaha
7.7 Compulsion in Sharia
7.8 Ignoring problems with the development of orthodox Sharia 7.8.1 Case of hijab
7.8.2 Case of ridda

8 Innovations to Islam 8.1 Tendency towards modernism
8.2 Church-like structures
8.3 Friday as Sabbath
8.4 Western political concepts
8.5 Idea of historical progress
8.6 Feminism
8.7 Ideology
8.8 Innovation in Sharia
9 Islamic economics 9.1 Riba
9.2 Social justice
10 Enmity towards the West 10.1 Verses of the Quran and enmity
10.2 Sunna and enmity
10.3 Alleged conspiracies against Islam
10.4 Christian Crusades
10.5 Division of Muslim world into many separate states
10.6 Antisemitism 10.6.1 Alleged Jewish conspiracies against Islam
10.6.2 Alleged Jewish conspiracy against Muhammad

11 Hopes for world success and mass conversion
12 See also 12.1 Books & organisations
13 Further reading
14 References

Limits on freedom of expression[edit]
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According to Graham Fuller, a long-time observer of Middle Eastern politics and supporter of allowing Islamists to participate in politics: "One of the most egregious and damaging roles played by some Islamists ... has been in ... ruthlessly attack[ing] and institut[ing] legal proceedings against any writings on Islam they disagree with."[8]
Some of the victims of Islamist enforcement of orthodoxy include Ahmad Kasravi, a former cleric and important intellectual figure of 1940s Iran who was assassinated in 1946 by the Fadayan-e Islam, an Islamic militant group, on the charge of takfir.[9]
Mahmoud Mohamed Taha, "a 76-year-old practicing Muslim" and theologian was hanged in a public ceremony in Khartoum, January 18, 1985, "following a hasty, ill-prepared trial." Taha had preached that of the two kinds of verses in the Qur'an - those revealed in Mecca and those revealed in Medina - the Medina verses were intended only for Muhammad's own instruction and were not eternally valid principles of Islam as those revealed earlier in Mecca were.[10]
Maybe the most famous alleged apostate attacked by Islamists has been Egyptian Nobel Prize winner Naguib Mahfouz. He has been harassed and almost killed by assailants, stabbed in the neck. Others include novelist Salahaddin Muhsin who

... was sentenced to three years hard labor for writings that `offended Islam`; feminist novelist Nawal al-Sa'dawi has been repeatedly tried in court for anti-Islamic writing and her husband ordered to divorce her as a Muslim apostate, although the charges were ultimately struck down; Islamist lawyers also charged Islamic and Arabic literature professor Nasr Abu Zayd with apostasy for his writings on the background of the Qur'an, and his wife was ordered to divorce him. ..." [11]
Egyptian author Farag Foda was assassinated on June 8, 1992 by militants of the Gamaa Islamiya [12] as an example to other anti-fundamentalist intellectuals.
While the perpetrators of the killing and physical intimidation have been Islamic extremists, the Islamists working within the system are not innocent. Author Gilles Kepel points out that in Egypt "Islamist moderates and the extremists [have] complemented one another's actions." The more establishmentarian Islamist "moderates" declare a modernist or secularist an apostate; the extremists then carry out the death sentence against the "apostate". In the case of Foda's killing, establishmentarian Sheik Mohammed al-Ghazali ("one of the most revered sheiks in the Muslim world"), testified for the defense in the trial of Foda's killers. "He announced that anyone born Muslim who militated against the sharia (as Foda had done) was guilty of the crime of apostasy, for which the punishment was death. In the absence of an Islamic state to carry out this sentence, those who assumed that responsibility were not blameworthy." [13]
Emphasis on politics[edit]
Neglect of other issues[edit]
Although Islamism is a movement devoted to the preeminence of Islam in all fields[14] rather than shifting its focus from belief to politics, some have suggested this is what has happened, and that "organizers, enthusiasts, and politicians," rather than those focusing on spiritually or religion, have "had the most impact" in the movement.
Other observers have remarked on the narrowness of Islamism, and its lack of interest in studying and making sense of the world in general. Habib Boulares regrets that the movement in general has "devoted little energy to constructing consistent theories"[15] and made `no contribution either to Islamic thought or spirituality`.[16] Olivier Roy complains of its intellectual stagnation in that "since the founding writings of Abul Ala Maududi, Hasan al-Banna, Sayyid Qutb ... all before 1978 ... there are nothing but brochures, prayers, feeble glosses and citations of canonical authors."[17]
Ed Husain, a British South Asian Muslim Islamist turned anti-Islamist, wrote in his book The Islamist that as an Islamist activist (in Hizb ut-Tahrir) he felt politics are crowding out his "relationship with God", and saw the same in other activists. Husain complained "We sermonized about the need for Muslims to return to Islam, but many of the shabab [activists] did not know how to pray."[18]
Even systematic study of human society and behavior is dismissed as un-Islamic. According to Olivier Roy:

There is neither history, since nothing new has happened except a return to the jahiliyya of pre-Islamic times, nor anthropology, since man is simply the exercise of virtue (there is no depth psychology in Islam: sin is not an introduction to the other within), nor sociology, since segmentation is fitna, splitting of the community, and thus an attack on the divine oneness the community reflects. Anything, in fact, that differentiates is seen as a menace to the unity of the community...[19]
Dependence on virtue[edit]
Roy also argues that the basic strategy of Islamism suffers from "a vicious circle": "[F]or the Islamists, Islamic society exists only through politics, but the political institutions function only a result of the virtue of those who run them, a virtue that can become widespread only if the society is Islamic beforehand." Thus there is "no Islamic state without virtuous Muslims, no virtuous Muslims without an Islamic state".[20][21]
Failure of Islamists in power[edit]
The problem of dependence on personal virtue and disinterest in "building institutions" capable of handling the corruption of power and human frailty is manifest, Roy believes, in the aftermath of the victories of Islamist or Islamic movements in Islamic Republic of Iran and mujahideen Afghanistan. In both cases the heroic Islamic self-sacrifice that brought Islamic insurgents to power was followed by notably un-virtuous governance of the victorious warriors "demanding their due" in spoils and corruption.[22] Islamism did not prove immune to the foibles of "other ideologies", where the virtuous `pure` are corrupted or abandon politics to "climbers, careerists, and unscrupulous businessmen."[23]
Disillusionment with what he calls the "faltering ideology" of Islamists in power (Iran, Erbakan in Turkey, Sudan) or having been elected and having fought a guerilla war (Algeria), is explored by scholar Gilles Kepel.[24]
In Iran the failure is seen not just in lack of support for Islamist government, but in the decline of the Islamic revival. "Mosques are packed" where Islamists are out of power, but "they empty out when Islamism takes power." In "Islamist Iran ... one almost never sees a person praying in the street."[25][26] Islamic jurists, which form a politically privileged class in Iran "were generally treated with elaborate courtesy" in the early years of the revolution. "'Nowadays, clerics are sometimes insulted by schoolchildren and taxi drivers and they quite often put on normal clothes when venturing outside Qom."[27]
Failure of Islamist policies[edit]
Separation of the sexes[edit]
Disillusioned Islamist Ed Husain, who worked as an English teacher in Saudi Arabia for the British Council circa 2005, was startled at the attitude of Saudi Arabian men towards women. Husain complained that despite the strict Saudi policy separation of the sexes that he wished to emulate as an Islamist, he heard harrowing stories of kidnapping of women and encountered downloading of hard core pornography by his students that he never encountered in Britain or the more "secular" Syrian Republic were he also taught. Despite his wife's modest dress

"out of respect for local custom, she wore the long black abaya and covered her hair in a black scarf. In all the years I had known my wife, never had I seen her appear so dull ... Yet on two occasions she was accosted by passing Saudi youths from their cars. ... In supermarkets I only had to be away from Faye for five minutes and Saudi men would hiss or whisper obscenities has they walked past. When Faye discussed their experiences with local women at the British Council they said, `Welcome to Saudi Arabia`"
"Had I not reached Saudi Arabia utterly convinced of my own faith and identity, then I might well have lost both. Wahhabism and its rigidity could easily have repelled me from Islam.[28]
Vagueness[edit]
Author Tarek Osman has criticized Islamism as unsustainably flexible, offering "everything to everyone": an alternative social provider to the poor masses; an angry platform for the disillusioned young; a loud trumpet-call announcing `a return to the pure religion` to those seeking an identity; a "progressive, moderate religious platform` for the affluent and liberal; ... and at the extremes, a violent vehicle for rejectionists and radicals."[29]
Irrelevance in modern times[edit]
Olivier Roy, in his 1992 book entitled "The Failure of Political Islam", argued that, beyond its power as a mobilising slogan, Islam simply does not provide the answers to the problems of governing a modern state. In 2013, pointing to the failure of the Muslim Brotherhood government in Egypt, he argued that its downfall was caused by its incompetence and nepotism, and that the government had failed in its objective to further Islamise society, as it did not succeed in creating a centrally co-ordinated Islamist society.[30]
Abdullahi Ahmed An-Na'im further argued that, despite the abundance of Islamic jurisprudence about family law, Islam cannot even provide a clear basis for a centralised administration of family law, because the very idea of centralised administration did not exist at the time when the various schools of Muslim family law were evolved.[30]
Emphasis on early Islam[edit]
Some critics, such as Tunisian-born scholar Abdelwahab Meddeb, have bemoaned the Islamist belief that true Islam was enforced for only a few decades of its 1400-year-long history, and this short period is what Muslims should imitate. Sayyid Qutb preached that Islam was no longer in existence and that it was "necessary that the Muslim community be restored to its original form,"[31] and follow the example of the original "Companions of the Prophet." These companions not only cut themselves off from non-Islamic culture or learning—Greek, Roman, Persian, Christian or Jewish logic, art, poetry, etc. - but "separating [them]selves completely from [their] past life," of family and friends.[32]
Islamist belief on what constitutes original form varies. Abul Ala Maududi indicates it was the era of the Prophet and the four rightly guided caliphs.[33] Qutb's brother Muhammad thought the only time "Islam was ... enforced in its true form" was during the reign the first two caliphs, plus three years from 717 to 720 A.D.[34] For the Shiite Ayatollah Khomeini, the five-year reign of Caliph Ali was the truly Islamic era Muslims should imitate.[35]
Meddeb protests that this excludes not only all non-Muslim culture, but most of Muslim history including the Golden Age of Islam: "How can one benefit from the past and the present if one comes to the conclusion that the only Islam that conforms to the sovereignty of God is that of Medina the first four caliphs? ... Can one still ... love and respond to the beauties handed down by the many peoples of Islam through the variety of their historic contribution?"[36] He (and others) have questioned the perfection of the early era where "three of the first four caliphs ... were assassinated," while "enmities" and "factional disputes concerning legitimacy" were played out, and points out the celebration of rightly guided originated a century later with Ibn Hanbal.[37] In the same vein, another author (Tarek Osman) complained of Islamists "excessive historical subjectivity that censored history and consciously (or ignorantly) overlooked the almost continuous embarrassing episodes of blood-letting and internal struggles." [38]
Unification of religion and state[edit]
One of the most commonly quoted slogans in the movement is that of the Muslim Brotherhood: `al-islam dinun was dawlatun` (Islam is a religion and a state). But, as one critic complains, the slogan "is neither a verse of the Qur'an nor a quote from a hadith but a 19th century political slogan popularised by the Salafi movement that emerged in opposition to Western influence in Egypt" [39]—a 19th-century political origin being no problem for many other ideologies, but a severe handicap for a belief system predicated on following the scripture revealed, and the ways of those who lived, twelve centuries earlier.
Historical context[edit]
Critics contend the idea that religion and state should be unified is not unique to Islam but to the premodern era, or at least the era around the time of Muhammad.
According to Reza Aslan:

This was also an era in which religion and the state were one unified entity. ... no Jew, Christian, Zoroastrian, or Muslim of this time would have considered his or her religion to be rooted in the personal confessional experiences of individuals. ... Your religion was your ethnicity, your culture, and your social identity ... your religion was your citizenship.
The post-Julian Roman Empire was Christian, with one "officially sanctioned and legally enforced version" of (Nicene) Christianity. The Sassanid Empire in Persia was Zoroastrian, again with one officially sanctioned and legally enforced version of Zoroastrianism. On the Indian subcontinent, Vaisnava kingdoms (devotees of Vishnu and his incarnations) fought with Savia kingdoms (devotees of Shiva) for territorial control. In China, Buddhist rulers fought Taoist rulers for political ascendancy. "Thus every religion was a `religion of the sword.`" [40]
Historical necessity[edit]
Aside from what other religions and empires were doing at the time, the location of Muslims in the stateless world of Arab society meant they needed a state to protect themselves.
Christianity was based within the "massive and enduring" Roman Empire. The Hebrews had "ethnic bonds before becoming Jews." But unlike these other Abrahamic religions, "the Muslims depended on their religion to provide them with an authority and an identity." [41]

Mohammad founded a religious community ex nihilo. He lived in western Arabia, a stateless region where tribal affiliations dominated all of public life. A tribe protected its members (by threatening to take revenge for them), and it provided social bonds, economic opportunities, as well as political enfranchisement. An individual lacking tribal ties had no standing: he could be robbed, raped, and killed with impunity. If Muhammad was to attract tribesmen to join his movement, he had to provide them with an affiliation no less powerful than the tribe they had left behind".[42]
For these critics, religion and state can be separated without betrayal of the timeless essence of Islam.
Scriptural basis[edit]
The scriptural basis of the Islamist principle that God — in the form of Sharia law — must govern, comes, at least in part, from the Quranic phrase that `Hukm is God's alone,` according to one of the founders of Islamist thought, Abul Ala Maududi. However, journalist and author Abdelwahab Meddeb questions this idea on the grounds that the definition of the Arabic word hukm is broader then simply "to govern", and that the ayah Maududi quoted is not about governing or government. Hukm is usually defined as to "exercise power as governing, to pronounce a sentence, to judge between two parties, to be knowledgeable (in medicine, in philosophy), to be wise, prudent, of a considered judgment".[43] The full ayat where the phrase appears says:

Those who you adore outside of Him are nothing but names that you and your fathers have given them. God has granted them no authority. Hukm is God's alone. He has commanded that you adore none but Him. Such is the right religion, but most people do not know. [Quran 12:40]
Which suggests that the Quran is talking about God's superiority over pagan idols, rather than His role in government. According to Meddeb, Quranic "commentators never forget to remind us that this verse is devoted to the powerlessness of the companion deities (pardras) that idolaters raise up next to God…"[43]
Islamist interpretation of Sharia[edit]
Criticisms of Sharia law - or orthodox sharia law[44] - are varied and not always in agreement. They include: that Islamist leaders are often ignorant of Islamic law, the Islamist definition of Sharia is in error, its implementation is impractical, and that flexible solutions have been ignored, that its scriptural basis has been corrupted, and that its enforcement is un-Islamic.
Ignorance[edit]
Despite the great importance Islamists gave to strict adherence to Sharia, many were not trained jurists. Islamic scholar and moderate abou el Fadl complains that "neither Qutb nor Mawdudi were trained jurists, and their knowledge of the Islamic jurisprudential tradition was minimal. Nevertheless, like `Abd al-Wahhad, Mawdudi and Qutb imagined Islamic law to be a set of clear cut, inflexible and rigid positive commands that covered and regulated every aspect of life." [45]
Dale C. Eikmeier points out the "questionable religious credentials" of many Islamist theorists, or "Qutbists," which can be a "means to discredit them and their message":

With the exception of Abul Ala Maududi and Abdullah Azzam, none of Qutbism’s main theoreticians trained at Islam’s recognized centers of learning. Although a devout Muslim, Hassan al Banna was a teacher and community activist. Sayyid Qutb was a literary critic. Muhammad Abd al-Salam Faraj was an electrician. Ayman al-Zawahiri is a physician. Osama bin Laden trained to be a businessman.[46]
Sharia as single universal set of laws to obey[edit]
Islamists such as Sayyid Qutb and Ayatollah Khomeini have argued that Islam cannot be Islam without the application of Sharia law. According to Qutb, "The Muslim community with these characteristics vanished at the moment the laws of God [i.e. Sharia] became suspended on earth." [47]
Khomeini preaches:

in Islam the legislative power and competence to establish laws belongs exclusively to God Almighty. The Sacred Legislator of Islam is the sole legislative power. No one has the right to legislate and no law may be executed except the law of the Divine Legislator.[48]
The alleged hypocrites and apostates reply that the Quran itself seems to deny there is one sharia for everyone to obey:

`To each of you God has prescribed a Law [Sharia] and a Way. If God would have willed, He would have made you a single people. But God's purpose is to test you in what he has given each of you, so strive in the pursuit of virtue, and know that you will all return to God [in the Hereafter], and He will resolve all the matters in which you disagree. [Quran 5:48] [49]
According to these dissenters the definition of Sharia as being the body of Muslim jurisprudence, its various commentaries and interpretations, only came later in Islamic history. Many modernists argue this jurisprudence is "entirely man-made, written by Muslim scholars according to their various schools, based on their best understanding of how the Qur'an should be translated into codes of law." [50]
One scholar, Muhammad Sa'id al-'Ashmawi a specialist in comparative and Islamic law at Cairo University, argues that the term Sharia, as used in the Qur'an, refers not to legal rules but rather to "the path of Islam consisting of three streams: 1) worship, 2) ethical code, and 3) social intercourse.[51] Thus al-`Ashmawi and many other modernists insist that the Shari'a is very different than Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh) and that fiqh must be reinterpreted anew by scholars in every age in accordance with their understanding."
"In Turkey, the Islamist [or post-Islamist] AK party has many members who speak of Sharia as a metaphor for a moral society." [52]
Thus "there is no one Sharia but rather many different, even contesting ways to build a legal structure in accordance with God's vision for mankind." [53]
One difference between this interpretation and the orthodox Sharia is in the penalty for apostasy from Islam. Non-Islamist Sudanese cleric Abdullah Ahmad an-Na'im states: ".... This aspect of sharia is fundamentally inconsistent with the numerous provisions of the Quran and Sunna which enjoin freedom of religion and expression." [54]
Overly simplistic[edit]
A related criticism is that Islamist "politics of identity have relegated the Sharia to a level of political slogan, instead of elevating it to the level of intellectual complexity at which our jurisprudential forefather discussed it, debated it, and wrote about it. .... Superficial political chants claiming that the Qur'an is our constitution or that the Shari'a is our guide," are heard but not discussion "of what a constitution is, which parts of the Qur'an are 'constitutional,' or how the Shari'a is to guide us on any particular matter of legal relevance." [55]
Historical record[edit]
Another (unrelated) complaint against a revival of Sharia law is that strict application of orthodox Sharia law has been tried repeatedly throughout Islamic history and always found to be impractical.
Daniel Pipes says "the historical record shows that every effort in modern times to apply the Shari`a in its entirety - such as those made in Saudi Arabia, the Sudan, Libya, Iran, and Pakistan - ended up disappointing the fundamentalists, for realities eventually had to be accommodated. Every government devoted to full implementation finds this an impossible assignment." [56]
Olivier Roy refers to the call to enforce Sharia, as a periodic cycle of Islamic history "as old as Islam itself." But one that is "still new because it has never been fulfilled. It is a tendency that is forever setting the reformer, the censor, and tribunal against the corruption of the times and of sovereigns, against foreign influence, political opportunism, moral laxity, and the forgetting of sacred texts."[57]
Leading Islamists, in contrast, maintain that in addition to being divine, Sharia (or again orthodox Sharia), is easy to implement. Qutb believed that Sharia would be no problem to implement because there is "no vagueness or looseness" in its provisions.[58]
Khomeini contended

Islam has made the necessary provision; and if laws are needed, Islam has established them all. There is no need for you, after establishing a government, to sit down and draw up laws, or, like rulers who worship foreigners and are infatuated with the west, run after others to borrow their laws. Everything is ready and waiting.[59]
Quran as Constitution[edit]
"The Quran is our Constitution" or "the Quran is our law,"[60][61][62] is "the slogan encountered from the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood to the Afghan Islamists."[63] But non-Islamist criticism replies that only 245 of the 6000 verses in the Quran concern legislation, and only 90 of those concern constitutional, civil, financial or economic matters. Scarcely enough to form a constitution.[64] There is a resolution in Constitution of Pakistan that no law or policy can go against "the principles of Islam".
Ignoring Maslaha[edit]
A solution to this problem embraced by modernists and usually ignored by Islamists, is the inclusion of the principle that Islamic law must serve the general common good or maslaha. This open-ended requirement clashes with Qutb's idea that there is "no vagueness or looseness" in Sharia.

"Many modernist use as the point of departure the well-established Islamic concept of maslaha (the public interest or common good.) For those schools that place priority on the role of maslaha in Islamic thinking, Islam by definition serves the common good; therefore, if a given policy or position demonstrably does not serve the public interest it simply is "not Islam". This formulation is used by the huge Muhammadiyah movement in Indonesia, among others. The pioneering Egyptian Islamic thinker Muhammad `Abdu spoke in similar terms when he criticized Muslim neglect of the concept of `common good` and rulers' emphasis on obedience above justice." [65]
Ibn Aqil believed Islamic law could consider the welfare of those who broke Islamic law and go beyond what was "explicitly supported" by the Quran.

Islam approves of all policy which creates good and eradicates evil even when it is not based on any revelation. That is how the Companions of the Prophet understood Islam. Abu Bakr, for example, appointed Umar to succeed him without precedent. Umar suspended the Quranically mandated punishment of hand amputation during a famine, he suspended it also when he discovered that two thieves, the employees of Hatib, were under-paid. And so on.[66]
Compulsion in Sharia[edit]
Islamist governments such as Iran's have emphasized compulsion in personal behavior (such as the wearing of hijab) enforced with religious police. The question here is, if compelling people to obey Shariah law means they may be obeying out of fear of punishment by men rather than devotion to God's law, whether this negates the merit of the act in the eyes of God. Compulsion in religious observance deprives "the observant of the credit for following God's order through personal volition. Only free acts of piety and worship have merit in God's eyes." [67]
Ignoring problems with the development of orthodox Sharia[edit]
Finally there is the question of accuracy of the ahadith or sayings of the Prophet which forms the basis of most Sharia law. The sayings were not written down for some generations but transmitted orally. An elaborate method has been developed to verify and rate hadith according to levels of authenticity, including isnad or chains of the hadith's trasmission. Nonetheless these were often not essential elements "in the dissemination of a hadith ... before the 9th century, when the collections were completed. Joseph Schacht's extensive research on the development of the Shariah has shown how quite a large number of widely acknowledged hadith had their chain of transmission added conjecturally so as to make them appear more authentic. Hence Schacht's maxim: `the more perfect the isnad, the later the tradition.`" But as a non-Muslim Orientialist, the persuasive authority of Schacht and his works are limited.[68]
Aside from these doubts of ahadith, orthodox and Islamist teachers ignore the history of the development of Islamic jurisprudence over centuries maintaining that "Islamic law has not come into being the way conventional law has." It did not begin "with a few rules that gradually multiplied or with rudimentary concepts refined by cultural process with the passage of time."[69] When in fact, according to Aslan, "that is exactly how the Shariah developed: `with rudimentary concepts refined by cultural process with the passage of time.' This was a process influenced not only by local cultural practices but by both Talmudic and Roman law. ... the sources from which these [early schools of law] formed their traditions, especially ijma, allowed for the evolution of thought. For this reason, their opinions of the Ulama ... were constantly adapting to contemporary situations, and the law itself was continually reinterpreted and reapplied as necessary." [70]
In the mean time at madrassas in the Muslim world, thousands of "young Muslims are indoctrinated in a revival of Traditionalist orthodoxy especially with regard to the static, literalist interpretation of the Quran and the divine, infallible nature of the Shariah."[70]
Case of hijab[edit]
Hijab, or covering of a woman's head and body, is arguably "the most distinctive emblem of Islam".[71] Compulsory wearing of the hijab is also a hallmark of Islamist states such as Iran and famously the Taliban Afghanistan. In the Islamic Republic of Iran, the Prosecutor-General, Abolfazl Musavi-Tabrizi has been quoted as saying: "Any one who rejects the principle of hijab in Iran is an apostate and the punishment for an apostate under Islamic law is death" (August 15, 1991).[72] The Taliban's Islamic Emirate required women to cover not only their head but their face as well, because "the face of a woman is a source of corruption" for men not related to them.[73] The burqa Afghan women were required to wear in public was the most drastic form of hijab with very limited vision. Both states claim(ed) they are (were) simply enforcing Sharia law.
True terror has reportedly been used to enforce hijab "in Pakistan, Kashmir, and Afghanistan," according to a Rand Corporation commentary by Cheryl Benard. "[H]undreds of women have been blinded or maimed when acid was thrown on their unveiled faces by male fanatics who considered them improperly dressed," for failure to wear hijab.[74] An example being use of acid against women by Islamist leader Gulbuddin Hekmatyar in the 1970s,[75][76] and a 2001 "acid attack on four young Muslim women in Srinagar ... by an unknown militant outfit, and the swift compliance by women of all ages on the issue of wearing the chadar (head-dress) in public." [77][78][79]
Islamists in other countries have been accused of attacking or threatening to attack the faces of women in an effort to intimidate them from wearing of makeup or allegedly immodest dress.[80] [81] [82]
But according to some critics there is a real question as to the scriptural or historical basis of this basic issue of Muslim women's lives. According to Leila Ahmed, nowhere in the whole of the Quran is "the term hijab applied to any woman other than the wives of Muhammad."[71] Such critics claim that the veil predates the revelation of the Quran as it "was introduced into Arabia long before Muhammad, primarily through Arab contacts with Syria and Iran, where the hijab was a sign of social status. After all, only a woman who need not work in the fields could afford to remain secluded and veiled. ... In the Muslim community "there was no tradition of veiling until around 627 C.E."[71]
Case of ridda[edit]
Further information: Apostasy in Islam
Traditionally ridda, or converting from Islam to another religion is a capital crime in Islam. Islamists have been noted for their enthusiasm in enforcing the penalty. But like hijab however, there is question over the scriptural or historical basis of the proscribed sentence of death. According to reformist author Reza Aslan, belief in the death sentence for apostates originated with early Caliph Abu Bakr's "war against tribes that had annulled their oath of allegiance to the Prophet." The war was to "prevent Muhammad's community from dissolving back into the old tribal system," but was a political and not a religious war. "Still, the Riddah Wars did have the regrettable consequence of permanently associating apostasy (denying one's faith) with treason (denying the central authority of the Caliph)," which made apostasy "a capital crime in Islam."[83]
Innovations to Islam[edit]
Islamists and Islamic revivalists have striven to eliminate Western practices in their lives - the use of toothbrushes, mixing of the sexes, women walking about with uncovered heads, Saturday-Sunday weekend days off, applause of speakers[84][85] - but according to Daniel Pipes, "even in rejecting the West, they accept it," and introduce Western-style innovations to Islam.[86]
Tendency towards modernism[edit]
Critics have noted that Islamists have claimed to uphold eternal religious/political principles but sometimes change with the times, for example embracing "far more modern and egalitarian" interpretations of social justice - including socialist ideas - than the rightly guided caliphs would ever have conceived of.[87] Islamists in power in the Islamic Republic of Iran, have had to "quietly put aside" traditional Islamic divorce and inheritance law and replace them with statutes addressing "contemporary Iranian social needs," according to Graham Fuller.[88] Another critic, Asghar Schirazi, has followed the progress of changes in divorce law in Iran, starting with the western innovation of court divorce for women — a deviation from traditional Islamic Talaq divorce introduced before the Islamic Revolution. Court divorce went from being denounced by the Ayatollah Khomeini in the 1960s as the product of orders by "agents of foreign powers for the purpose of annihilating Islam," to the law of the land in the Islamic Republic by 1992.[89] Other loosening of prohibitions on previously unIslamic activity in the Islamic Republic include allowing the broadcast of music,[90] and family planning.[91]
Church-like structures[edit]
"Traditional Islam was characterized by informal organizations. Virtually every major decision - establishing a canonical text of the Qur'an, excluding philosophical inquiry, or choosing which religious scholars to heed - was reached in an unstructured and consensual way."[86]
Islamists, "ignorant of this legacy, have set up church-like structures."

A number of religious functionaries have come into being whose posts were previously unheard of, for example: the Secretary of the Muslim World League, the Secretary General of the Islamic Conference, the Rector of the Islamic University in Medina, and so [on] and so forth. For the first time in history the imam of the Ka'ba has been sent on tour of foreign countries as if he were an Apostolic Nuntius.[92]
The most extreme form of this adoption of church-like behavior is found in the Islamic Republic of Iran where the state demand for obedience to the fatawa of supreme cleric Khomeini strongly resembled the doctrine of Papal infallibility of the Roman Catholic Church, and where the demotion of a rival of Khomeini, Ayatollah Muhammad Kazim Shari`atmadari (d. 1986), resembled "defrocking" and "excommunicating," despite the fact that "no machinery for this has ever existed in Islam."

Other trends, such as centralized control over budgets, appointments to the professoriate, curricula in the seminaries, the creation of religious militias, monopolizing the representation of interests, and mounting a Kulturkampf in the realm of the arts, the family, and other social issues tell of the growing tendency to create an "Islamic episcopacy" in Iran.[93]
Friday as Sabbath[edit]
"Traditionally, Friday was a day of congregating for prayer, not a day of rest. Indeed, the whole idea of sabbath is alien to the vehemently monotheistic spirit of Islam, which deems the notion of God needing a day of rest falsely anthropomorphic. Instead, the Qur'an (62:9-10) instructs Muslims to `leave off business` only while praying; once finished, they should `disperse through the land and seek God's bounty` - in other words, engage in commerce.
"Christian imperialists imposed Sunday as the weekly day of rest throughout their colonies, ... Recently, as the Sunday sabbath came to be seen as too Western, Muslim rulers asserted their Islamic identities by instituting Friday as the day off." [86] This contradiction was recognized by some Islamists. Omar Bakri Muhammad, qadi of the so-called Shari'ah Court of the United Kingdom protested: "Unfortunately, some Muslims have become consumers of the western culture to the extent that many Muslims celebrate and wrongly take the day of Friday as a weekly holiday in contrast to Saturday of the Jews and Sunday of the Christians. Whereas the idea of a holiday does not exist in Islam and contradicts with the Islamic culture." [86][94]
Western political concepts[edit]
One critic has compiled a list of concepts borrowed from the West and alien to the Sharia used in the constitution of Islamic Republic of Iran: 'sovereignty of the people` (hakemiyat-e melli), 'nation' (mellat), 'the rights of the nation' (hoquq-e mellat), 'the legislature' (qovveh-e moqannaneb), 'the judiciary' (qovveh-e qaza'iyeh), 'parliament' (majles), 'republic' (jomhuri), 'consultation of the people' (hameh-porsi), 'elections' (entekhabat).[95]
Idea of historical progress[edit]
Sayyid Qutb adopted the "Marxist notion of stages of history", with the demise of capitalism and its replacement with communism, but then adding yet another stage, the ultimate Islamic triumph. Islam would replace communism after humanity realized communism could not fulfill its spiritual needs, and Islam was "the only candidate for the leadership of humanity." [96]
Feminism[edit]
For Islamists women's condition under Islam is a major issue. Women regularly attend public mosque salah services and new mosques consequently allot far more space to women's sections.[86]
But in explaining Islam's or Islamism's superiority in its treatment of women, many Islamists take positions unknown to the early Muslims they seek to emulate. Founder of the Muslim Brotherhood, Hasan al-Banna believed "Muslim women have been free and independent for fifteen centuries. Why should we follow the example of Western women, so dependent on their husbands in material matters?"[97] President of the Islamic Republic of Iran Mohammad Khatami boasted that "under the Islamic Republic, women have full rights to participate in social, cultural, and political activities;"[98] as did Islamist Hasan at-Turabi, the former leader of Sudan: "Today in Sudan, women are in the army, in the police, in the ministries, everywhere, on the same footing as men." Turabi explains that "a woman who is not veiled is not the equal of men. She is not looked on as one would look on a man. She is looked at to see if she is beautiful, if she is desirable. When she is veiled, she is considered a human being, not an object of pleasure, not an erotic image."[99]
Ideology[edit]
Traditional Islam emphasized man's relation with God and living by Sharia, but not the state "which meant almost nothing to them but trouble ... taxes, conscription, corvée labor." Islamists and revivalists embrace the state, in statements like: Islam "is rich with instructions for ruling a state, running an economy, establishing social links and relationships among the people and instructions for running a family,"[100] and "Islam is not precepts or worship, but a system of government."[101]
Rather than comparing their movement against other religions, Islamists are prone to say "We are not socialist, we are not capitalist, we are Islamic."[102]
In his famous 1988 appeal to Gorbachev to replace Communism with Islam, Imam Khomeini talked about the need for a "real belief in God" and the danger of materialism, but said nothing about the five pillars, did not mention Muhammad or monotheism. What he did say was that "nowadays Marxism in his economic and social approaches, is facing the blind alley" and that "the Islamic Republic of Iran can easily supply the solution the believing vacuum of your country". Materialism is mentioned in the context of "materialistic ideology." [86][103]
Innovation in Sharia[edit]
Traditionally Sharia law was elaborated by independent jurist scholars, had precedence over state interests, and was applied to people rather than territories. "[T]he caliph, though otherwise the absolute chief of the community of Muslims, had not the right to legislate but only to make administrative regulations with the limits laid down by the sacred Law."[104]
Islamists in Iran and Sudan extended the purview of Sharia but gave the state, not independent jurists, authority over it. The most extreme example of this was the Ayatollah Khomeini's declaration in 1988 that "the government is authorized unilaterally to abolish its lawful accords with the people and ... to prevent any matter, be it spiritual or material, that poses a threat to its interests." Which meant that, "for Islam, the requirements of government supersede every tenet, including even those of prayer, fasting and pilgrimage to Mecca."[105] Something not even Ataturk, the most committed Muslim secularist, dared to do.
Traditionally Sharia applied to people rather than territories - Muslims were to obey wherever they were, non-Muslims were exempt. The idea that law was based on jurisdictions - with towns, states, counties each having their own laws - was a European import. "Turabi declares that Islam `accepts territory as the basis of jurisdiction.`[106] As a result, national differences have emerged. The Libyan government lashes all adulterers. Pakistan lashes unmarried offenders and stones married ones. The Sudan imprisons some and hangs others. Iran has even more punishments, including head shaving and a year's banishment.[107] In the hands of fundamentalists, the Shari`a becomes just a variant of Western, territorial law." [86]
Under the new Islamist interpretation, the "millennium-old exclusion" of non-Muslims "from the Sharia is over." Umar Abd ar-Rahman, the blind sheikh, "is adamant on this subject: `it is very well known that no minority in any country has its own laws.`[108] Abd al-`Aziz ibn Baz, the Saudi religious leader, calls on non-Muslims to fast during Ramadan. In Iran, [non-Muslim] foreign women may not wear nail polish - on the grounds that this leaves them unclean for (Islamic) prayer. ... A fundamentalist party in Malaysia wants to regulate how much time unrelated [non-Muslim] Chinese men and women may spend alone together." [86]
Islamic economics[edit]
Criticism of Islamist (or Islamic) economics have been particularly contemptuous, alleging that effort of "incoherence, incompleteness, impracticality, and irrelevance;" [109][110] driven by "cultural identity" rather than problem solving.[111] Another source has dismissed it as "a hodgepodge of populist and socialist ideas," in theory and "nothing more than inefficient state control of the economy and some almost equally ineffective redistribution policies," in practice.[112]

In a political and regional context where Islamist and ulema claim to have an opinion about everything, it is striking how little they have to say about this most central of human activities, beyond repetitious pieties about how their model is neither capitalist nor socialist.[112]
Riba[edit]
One complaint comes from Pakistan were Islamization, includes banning of interest on loans or riba, got underway with military ruler General Zia al-Haq (1977–1988), a supporter of "Islamic resurgence" who pledged to eliminate `the curse of interest.` One critic of this attempt, Kemal A. Faruki, complained that (at least in their initial attempts) Islamizers wasted much effort on "learned discussions on riba" and ... doubtful distinctions between `interest` and `guaranteed profits,` etc." in Western-style banks, "while turning a blind eye" to a far more serious problem outside of the formal, Western-style banking system:

usury perpetrated on the illiterate and the poor by soodkhuris (lit. `devourers of usury`). These officially registered moneylenders under the Moneylenders Act are permitted to lend at not more than 1% below the State Bank rate. In fact they are Mafia-like individuals who charge interest as high as 60% per annum collected ruthlessly in monthly installments and refuse to accept repayment of the principal sum indefinitely. Their tactics include intimidation and force. [113]
Social justice[edit]
On the same note, another critic has attacked Islamist organizations in that country for silence about "any kind of genuine social or economic revolution, except to urge, appropriately, that laws, including taxation, be universally applied." In the strongly Islamic country of Pakistan for example, this despite the fact that "social injustice is rampant, extreme poverty exists, and a feudal political and social order are deeply rooted from eras preceding the country's founding." [114] This lack of interest is not unique to Pakistan. "The great questions of gross maldistribution of economic benefits, huge disparities in income, and feudal systems of landholding and human control remain largely outside the Islamist critique." [115]
Enmity towards the West[edit]
Main article: War against Islam
Major Islamist figures such as Sayyid Qutb and Ayatollah Khomeini emphasize antipathy towards non-Muslims and anything un-Islamic. Sayyid Qutb, for example, opposed co-existence with non-Muslims and believed the world divided into "truth and falsehood" - Islam being truth and everything else being falsehood. "Islam cannot accept or agree to a situation which is half-Islam and half-Jahiliyyah ... The mixing and co-existence of the truth and falsehood is impossible,"[116] Western civilization itself was "evil and corrupt," a "rubbish heap."[117]
Olivier Roy explains Islamist attacks on Christians and other non-Muslims as a need for a scapegoat for failure.

Since Islam has an answer to everything, the troubles from which Muslim society is suffering are due to nonbelievers and to plots, whether Zionist or Christian. Attacks against Jews and Christians appear regularly in neofundamentalist articles. In Egypt, Copts are physically attacked. In Afghanistan, the presence of western humanitarians, who are associated with Christian missionaries [despite the fact that many if not most have secular often leftist backgrounds] is denounced.[118]
Verses of the Quran and enmity[edit]
But whatever the explanation, the sentiments of Qutb and Khomeini seem to clash with Quranic calls for moderation and toleration according to critics:

`all those who believe -- the Jews, the Sabians, the Christians -- anyone who believes in Allah and the Last Days, and who does good deeds, will have nothing to fear or regret.` [Quran 5:69]

`We believe in what has been revealed to us, just as we believe in what has been revealed to you [i.e. Jews and Christians] Our God and Your God are the same; and it is to Him we submit.` [Quran 29:46] [119]
Another points out ayat endorsing diversity:

`If thy Lord had willed, He would have made humankind into a single nation, but they will not cease to be diverse ... And, for this God created them [humankind]` [Quran 11:118]

`To each of you God has prescribed a Law and a Way. If God would have willed, He would have made you a single people. But God's purpose is to test you in what He has given each of you, so strive in the pursuit of virtue, and know that you will all return to God [in the Hereafter], and He will resolve all the matters in which you disagree.` [Quran 5:48][120]
... and ayat that seem to be at odds with offensive jihad against non-Muslims Qutb and others promote:

`If your enemy inclines towards peace, then you should seek peace and trust in God` [Quran 8:61]

`... If God would have willed, He would have given the unbelievers power over you [Muslims], and they would have fought you [Muslims], Therefore, if they [the unbelievers] withdraw from you and refuse to fight you, and instead send you guarantees of peace, know that God has not given you a license [to fight them].` [Quran 4:90]
As Abu al-Fadl says, "these discussions of peace would not make sense if Muslims were in a permanent state of war with nonbelievers, and if nonbelievers were a permanent enemy and always a legitimate target." [121]
Sunna and enmity[edit]
The policies of the prophet – whose behavior during the 23 years of his ministry makes up Sunnah or model for all Muslims – after conquering Mecca were notably light on bloodletting. While everyone was required to take an oath of allegiance to him and never again wage war against him, he "declared a general amnesty for most of his enemies, including those he had fought in battle. Despite the fact that islamic law now made the Quraysh his slaves, Muhammad declared all of Mecca's inhabitants (including its slaves) to be free. Only six men and four women were put to death for various crimes, and not one was forced to convert to Islam, though everyone had to take an oath of allegiance never again to wage war against the Prophet." [122]
Alleged conspiracies against Islam[edit]
Khomeini believed "imperialists" - British and then American - had 300-year-long "elaborate plans for assuming control of" the East, the purpose of which was "to keep us backward, to keep us in our present miserable state so they can exploit our riches, our underground wealth, our lands and our human resources. They want us to remain afflicted and wretched, and our poor to be trapped in their misery ... "[123] One complaint of this approach by critics is that these "conspiracy theor[ies]" revolving around the "ready-to-wear devil" of the West are "currently paralyzing Muslim political thought. For to say that every failure is the devil's work is the same as asking God, or the devil himself (which is to say these days the Americans), to solve one's problems." [124]
Christian Crusades[edit]
The belief of some, such as Sayyid Qutb, that the Crusades were an attack on Islam,[125] or at least "a wanton and predatory aggression" against Muslim countries from which Muslims developed a rightful mistrust of Christians/Europeans/Westerners, has been called into question.
According to historian Bernard Lewis, the Crusades were indeed religious wars for Christians, but to

recover the lost lands of Christendom and in particular the holy land where Christ had lived, taught and died. In this connection, it may be recalled that when the Crusaders arrived in the Levant not much more than four centuries had passed since the Arab Muslim conquerors had wrested theses lands from Christendom - less than half the time from the Crusades to the present day - and that a substantial proportion of the population of these lands, perhaps even a majority, was still Christian." [126]
The Arab Muslim contemporaries of the Crusaders did not refer to them as "Crusaders or Christians but as Franks or Infidels". Rather than raging at their aggression, "with few exceptions, the Muslim historians show little interest in whence or why the Franks had come, and report their arrival and their departure with equal lack of curiosity."[127] Crusaders and Muslims allied with each other against other alliances of Crusaders and Muslims.[128] Rather than being event of such trauma that Muslims developed an old and deep fear of Christians/Europeans/Westerners from it, the crusaders' invasion was just one of many such by barbarians coming from "East and West alike" during this time of "Muslim weakness and division." [127]
Lewis argues that any traumatization from the Crusades felt by Muslims surely would pale in comparison to what European Christendom felt from Islam. The Crusades started in 1096 and the Crusaders lost their last toe-hold when the city of Acre, was taken less than two hundred years later in 1291, whereas Europe felt under constant threat from Islam, "from the first Moorish landing in Spain [711] to the second Turkish siege of Vienna [1683]."

All but the easternmost provinces of the Islamic realm had been taken from Christian rulers, and the vast majority of the first Muslims west of Iran and Arabia were converts from Christianity. North Africa, Egypt, Syria, even Persian-ruled Iraq had been Christian countries, in which Christianity was older and more deeply rooted than in most of Europe. Their loss was sorely felt and heightened the fear that a similar fate was in store for Europe. In Spain and in Sicily, Muslim faith and Arab culture exercised a powerful attraction, and even those who remained faithful to the Christian religion often adopted the Arabic language." [129]
William Cantwell Smith observes that

until Karl Marx and the rise of communism, the Prophet organized and launched the only serious challenge to Western civilization that it has faced in the whole course of its history ... Islam is the only positive force that has won converts away from Christianity - by the tens of millions ...[130]
Division of Muslim world into many separate states[edit]
According to the Ayatollah Khomeini and other Islamists, one glaring example of an attempt by the West to weaken the Muslim world was the division of the Ottoman empire, the largest Muslim state and home of the Caliph, into 20 or so "artificially created separate nations," when that empire fell in 1918.[131] Western powers did partition the Arab world (which made up most of the Ottoman empire) after World War I, while the general Arab Muslim sentiment in much of the 20th Century was for wahda (unity).[132]
In exampling the question of whether this was a case of "divide and rule" policy by Western imperialists, international relations scholar Fred Halliday points out there were plenty of other explanations for the continued division: rivalries between different Arab rulers and the reluctance of distinct regional populations to share statehood or power with other Arabs, rivalries between Saudi Arabia and Yemen in the Peninsula or between Egypt and Syria. Anger in Syria over Egyptian dominance in the United Arab Republic that led to its division in 1961. The difficulty of unifying a large group of states even though they share much the desire, the same language, culture and religion is mirrored in the failure of Latin America to merge in the first decades of the 19th century after the Spanish withdrawal, when "broad aspirations, inspired by Simon Bolivar, for Latin American unity foundered on regional, elite and popular resistance, which ended up yielding, as in the Arab world, around twenty distinct states."[132]

The more general claim that imperialism and colonialism divide in order to rule is, in broad terms, simplistic: the overall record of colonialism has been to merge and unite previously disparate entities, be this in 16th century Ireland, 19th-century India and Sudan or 20th century Libya and Southern Arabia. The British supported the formation of the League of Arab states in 1945 and tried, in the event unsuccessfully, to create united federations first in Southern Arabia (1962-7) and then in the Gulf states (1968-71). As Sami Zubaida has pointed out in his talks, imperialism in fact tends to unite and rule. It is independent states such as India and Pakistan (later Pakistan and Bangladesh), as well as Ireland, Cyprus and indeed, the USSR and Yugoslavia, that promote fragmentation." [132]
Antisemitism[edit]
Islamists, according to Robert S. Wistrich, are the primary force behind 21st century antisemitism.[133]
Alleged Jewish conspiracies against Islam[edit]
Islamists from the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood on the moderate end ("Such are the Jews, my brother, Muslim lion cub, your enemies and the enemies of God"[134]), to the bin Laden at the extreme ("Jews are masters of usury and leaders in treachery"[135]), have issued powerful and categorical anti-Jewish statements.
Among Islamist opinion makers, both Qutb and Khomeini talked about Jews as both early and innate enemies of Islam. Qutb believed that

At the beginning the enemies of the Muslim community did not fight openly with arms but tried to fight the community in its belief through intrigue, spreading ambiguities, creating suspicions.
And goes on to say, "the Jews are behind materialism, animal sexuality, the destruction of the family and the dissolution of society." [136]
Khomeini mentions the "Jews of Banu Qurayza", who were eliminated by Muhammad, as an example of the sort of "troublesome group" that Islam and the Islamic state must "eliminate."[137] and explains that "from the very beginning, the historical movement of Islam has had to contend with the Jews, for it was they who first established anti-Islamic propaganda and engaged in various stratagems."[138]
Qutb's anti-Judaism has been criticized as obsessive and irrational by Daniel Benjamin and Steven Simon who quote him saying

that `anyone who leads this community away from its religion and its Quran can only be Jewish agent` - in other words, any source of division, anyone who undermines the relationship between Muslims and their faith is by definition a Jew. The Jews thus become the incarnation of all that is anti-Islamic, and such is their supposed animosity that they will never relent `because the Jews will be satisfied only with destruction of this religion [Islam].` The struggle with the Jews will be a war without rules, since `from such creatures who kill, massacre and defame prophets one can only expect the spilling of human blood and dirty means which would further their machinations and evilness.` [139]
Alleged Jewish conspiracy against Muhammad[edit]
But specifically there is the issue of Jews conspired against Muhammad, those Jews being the Banu Qurayza mentioned by Khomeini, a tribe that collaborated with the Quraysh, the Muslims' powerful enemy, and whose men were executed and women and children sold into slavery in 627 AD as punishment.
That this event was the beginning of a Jewish-Muslim struggle is disputed by religious scholar Reza Aslan.

The execution of the Banu Qurayza was not, as it has so often been presented, reflective of an intrinsic religious conflict between Muhammad and the Jews. This theory, which is sometimes presented as an incontestable doctrine... is founded on the belief that Muhammad ... came to Medina fully expecting the Jews to confirm his identity as a prophet ... To his surprise, however the Jews not only rejected him but strenuously argued against the authenticity of the Qur’an as divine revelation. Worried that the rejection of the Jews would somehow discredit his prophetic claims, Muhammad had not choice but to turn violently against them, separate his community from theirs,[citation needed]
Aslan believes this theory is refuted by historical evidence:
The Banu Qurayza were not executed for being Jews. Non-Jews were also executed following the Battle of the Trench. "As Michael Lecker has demonstrated, a significant number of the Banu Kilab -- Arab clients of the Qurayza who allied with them as an auxiliary force outside Medina -- were also executed for treason." [140] Other Jews did not protest or side with the Banu Qurayza, and these Jews were left alone.
Most Jews were untouched. The 400 to 700 Banu Qurayza men killed were "no more than a tiny fraction of the total population of Jews who resided in Medina" who are estimated to have been between 24,000 and 28,000[141] These "remained in the oasis living amicably alongside their Muslim neighbors for many years" until they were expelled "under the leadership of Umar near the end of the seventh century C.E." along with all the other non-Muslims "as part of a larger Islamization process throughout the Arabian Peninsula." [142]
"Scholars almost unanimously agree, the execution of the Banu Qurayza did not in any way set a precedent for future treatment of Jews in Islamic territories. On the contrary, Jews throve under Muslim rule, especially after Islam expanded into Byzantine lands, where Orthodox rulers routinely persecuted both Jews and non-Orthodox Christians for their religious beliefs, often forcing them to convert to Imperial Christianity under penalty of death. In contrast, Muslim law, which considers Jews and Christians `protected peoples` (dhimmi), neither required nor encouraged their conversion to Islam. ... In return for a special `protection tax` called jizyah, Muslim law allowed Jews and Christians both religious autonomy and the opportunity to share in the social and economic institutions ..." [142]
"Finally and most importantly, ... Jewish clans in Medina -- themselves Arab converts -- were barely distinguishable from their pagan counterparts either culturally or, for that matter, religiously."
They spoke a language called ratan, and "[t]here is no evidence that they either spoke or understood Hebrew. Indeed, their knowledge of the Hebrew Scripture was likely limited to just a few scrolls of law, some prayer books, and a handful of fragmentary Arabic translations of the Torah -- What S. W. Baron refers to as a `garbled, oral tradition.`"[143]
They "neither strictly observed Mosaic law, nor seemed to have any real knowledge of the Talmud," nor were Israelites, which, according to J.G. Reissener, precluded them from being considered Jews. A non-Israelites Jew being required to be `a follower of the Mosaic Law ... in accordance with the principles laid down in the Talmud,` according to the strong consensus of opinion among Diaspora Jewish communities.[144]
In "their culture, ethnics, and even their religion, Medina's Jews ... were practically identical to Medina's pagan community, with whom they freely interacted and (against Mosaic law) frequently intermarried." [145]
Archeologists haven't found any "easily identifiable archeological evidence of a significant Jewish presence" at Medina. The usual "indicators -- such as the remnants of stone vessels, the ruins of immersion pools (miqva'ot), and the interment of ossuaries -- must be present at a site in order to confirm the existence there of an established Jewish religious identity."[146]
Hopes for world success and mass conversion[edit]
The anti-Islamist website islamistwatch.org quotes disapprovingly from a book of pioneer Islamist author Sayeed Abdul A'la Maududi that Islam is

a comprehensive system which envisages to annihilate all tyrannical and evil systems in the world and enforces its own programme of reform which it deems best for the well-being of mankind.[147]
Enforcing an Islamist program around the world would be greatly facilitated by mass conversion and according to Olivier Roy, "today's Islamist activists are obsessed with conversion: rumors that Western celebrities or entire groups are converting are hailed enthusiastically by the core militants."[148]
Critic Daniel Pipes has also noted Islamist contempt for, and ambitions to convert, other cultures and religions, criticizing specifically the contempt of Islamists in the United States for the country they have immigrated to. He quotes, for example, the wish of one Islamist living in the U.S. that North America turn "away from its past evil and marching forward under the banner of Allahu Akbar [God is great]." [149]
Aside from the complaint that pushing for mass conversion of non-Muslims to a different religion and culture is intolerant and aggressive, Olivier Roy argues it is simply unrealistic. "[T]he age of converting entire peoples is past," as we live in an era where religious belief is considered a personal matter. Likewise, a strategy to gradually convert non-Muslims "until the number of conversions shifts the balance of the society," is also problematic. Conversion to Islam "in a Christian environment ... generally indicates a marginalized person, a fanatic or a true mystic," in any case people with little desire or ability to join or build "a mass movement." [150]
Pipes also argues many prominent conversions to Islam appears to be part of a "recurring" pattern, rather than a mass movement. As he puts it, "Islam - in both its normative and Nation [i.e. Nation of Islam] variants" has become established "as a leading solace for African-Americans in need", specifically after trouble with the criminal justice system,[151] and includes a "well-established" oppositional "pattern of alienation, radicalism and violence."[152]
See also[edit]
Apostasy in Islam
Criticism of multiculturalism
Islam: What the West Needs to Know
Islamic terrorism
Liberal movements within Islam
Muslim Brotherhood
Takfir
War against Islam
Books & organisations[edit]
The Islamist
Undercover Mosque
Stop the Islamification of Europe - Political group
MANIFESTO: Together facing the new totalitarianism
Further reading[edit]
Abu al-Fadl, Khaled, Great Theft : wrestling Islam from the extremists, New York, NY : HarperSanFrancisco, c2005
Abu al-Fadl, Khaled, The Place of Tolerance in Islam, Beacon Press, 2002
Aslan, Reza, No god but God: The Origins, Evolution, and Future of Islam, Random House, 2005
Boulares, Habib, Islam, The Fear And The Hope, Atlantic Highlands, N.J. : Zed Books, 1990
Fluehr-Lobban, Carolyn ed., Against Islamic Extremism: The Writings of Muhammad Sa'id al-Ashmawy, Gainesville: University Press of Florida, (1998)
Fuller, Graham E., The Future of Political Islam, Palgrave MacMillan, (2003)
Halliday, Fred, 100 Myths about the Middle East, Saqi Books, 2005,
Kepel, Gilles, Jihad: The Trail of Political Islam by Gilles Kepel, Cambridge, Mass. : Harvard University Press, 2002.
Khomeini, Ruhollah. Algar, Hamid (translator and editor). Islam and Revolution: Writing and Declarations of Imam Khomeini. Berkeley: Mizan Press, 1981
Lewis, Bernard, Islam and the West by Bernard Lewis, Oxford University Press, 1993
Maalouf, Amin, The Crusades Through Arab Eyes (1985)
Mawdudi, S. Abul A'la, Islamic Law and Constitution, edited and translated into English by Khursid Ahmad, Jamaat-e-Islami Publications, 1955
Meddeb, Abelwahab (2003). The Malady of Islam. Basic Books. ISBN 0-465-04435-2.
Pipes, Daniel, In the Path of God : Islam and Political Power, by Daniel Pipes, New York : Basic Books, c1983.
Schirazi, Asghar, The Constitution of Iran : politics and the state in the Islamic Republic / by Asghar Schirazi, London ; New York : I.B. Tauris, 1997
Taheri, Amir, Holy Terror, the Inside Story of Islamic Terrorism, Sphere Books, 1987
Taheri, Amir, The Spirit of Allah : Khomeini and the Islamic Revolution by Amir Taheri, Adler and Adler c1985
References[edit]
1.Jump up ^ Roy, Failure of Political Islam, (1994)
2.Jump up ^ Aslan, Reza, No God But God : The Origins, Evolution, and Future of Islam, Random House, 2005
3.Jump up ^ Meddeb, Abelwahab (2003). The Malady of Islam. Basic Books
4.Jump up ^ Fluehr-Lobban, Carolyn ed., Against Islamic Extremism: The Writings of Muhammad Sa'id al-Ashmawy, Gainesville: University Press of Florida, (1998)
5.Jump up ^ Kepel, Gilles, Jihad: The Trail of Political Islam by Gilles Kepel, Cambridge, Mass. : Harvard University Press, 2002
6.Jump up ^ "Jihad and Jew Hatred." Voices on Antisemitism. United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. 17 July 2008. Web. 19 August 2013. Transcript.
7.Jump up ^ Abu al-Fadl, Khaled, Great Theft : wrestling Islam from the extremists, New York, NY : HarperSanFrancisco, c2005
8.Jump up ^ Fuller, (2003), p.39
9.Jump up ^ A Clarification of Questions, An Unabridged Translation of Resaleh Towzih al-Masael by Ayatollah Sayyed Ruhollah Mousavi Khomeini), Translated by J. Borujerdi, with a Foreword by Michael M. J. Fischer and Mehdi Abedi, Westview Press/ Boulder and London c1984
10.Jump up ^ Daniel Pipes The Rushdie Affair p.76.
11.Jump up ^ Fuller, (2003) p.39
12.Jump up ^ Kepel, Jihad, (2002), p.287
13.Jump up ^ Kepel, Jihad, (2002) p.287
14.Jump up ^ Radical Islam in Egypt and Jordan By Tal, Nachman
15.Jump up ^ At least up to the 1970s. from Pipes, Daniel, In the Path of God c1983, p.279
16.Jump up ^ Boulares, Habib, Islam, The Fear And The Hope, p.?
17.Jump up ^ Roy, Failure of Political Islam, (1994), p.60
18.Jump up ^ Husain, Ed (2007). The Islamist. Penguin. p. 146. "On a personal level, my relationship with God had deteriorated. ... as I had become more active in the Hizb, my inner consciousness of God had hit an all-time low. "We sermonized about the need for Muslims to return to Islam, but many of the shabab [activists] did not know how to pray. I witnessed at least four new converts to Islam at different university campuses, convinced of the superiority of the `Islamic political ideology` ... but lacking basic knowledge of worship."
19.Jump up ^ Roy, Failure of Political Islam, (1994), p.73
20.Jump up ^ Roy, Failure of Political Islam, (1996), p.60-2, 67
21.Jump up ^ this criticism is seconded by Malise Ruthven, an author on Middle Eastern affairs, in his book A fury for God, New York : Granta, 2002. p.69
22.Jump up ^ Roy, Failure of Political Islam, (1996), p.66-67
23.Jump up ^ Roy, Failure of Political Islam, (1996), p.195
24.Jump up ^ Kepel, Gilles, Jihad, Harvard University Press, (2002), p.13-4
25.Jump up ^ Roy, Failure of Political Islam, (1996), p.199
26.Jump up ^ Iran has "the lowest mosque attendance of any Islamic country," according to Zohreh Soleimani of the BBC. children of the revolution
 * Iranian clergy have complained that more than 70% of the population do not perform their daily prayers and that less than 2% attend Friday mosques, according to The Economist magazine. 16, January 2003
27.Jump up ^ Who Rules Iran?, New York Review of Books June 27, 2002
28.Jump up ^ Husain, Ed (2007). The Islamist. Penguin. pp. p.242, 244, 246.
29.Jump up ^ Osman, Tarek, Egypt on the brink, 2010, p.111
30.^ Jump up to: a b "Islam, Egypt and political theory: Échec mate". The Economist. 2013-07-05. Retrieved 6 July 2013.
31.Jump up ^ Qutb, Milestones, p.9
32.Jump up ^ Qutb, Milestones, p.16-20
33.Jump up ^ Mawdudi, Islamic Law and Constitution, (1955), p.259
34.Jump up ^ Qutb, Muhammad, Islam the Misunderstood Religion, p.176-78
35.Jump up ^ Khomeini, Islam and Revolution, p.57
36.Jump up ^ Meddeb, The Malady of Islam, (2003), p.104
37.Jump up ^ Meddeb, The Malady of Islam, (2003), p.44
38.Jump up ^ Egypt on the Brink by Tarek Osman, Yale University Press, 2010, (p.213)
39.Jump up ^ Halliday, 100 Myths, 2005, p.85-6
40.Jump up ^ Aslan, No God But God, 2005, p.80
41.Jump up ^ Pipes, In the Path of God, (1983), p.43
42.Jump up ^ Pipes, In the Path of God, (1983), p.42
43.^ Jump up to: a b Meddeb, Abdelwahab (2003). The malady of Islam. New York: Basic Books. p. 102. ISBN 0-465-04435-2. OCLC 51944373.
44.Jump up ^ In this context "Sharia" is defined as God's law, full stop. "Orthodox Sharia law" is defined as the traditional interpretation of it which some Muslims may not agree is God's law.
45.Jump up ^ abou el Fadl, Great Theft, Harper San Francisco, 2005, p.82
46.Jump up ^ Qutbism: An Ideology of Islamic-Fascism DALE C. EIKMEIER From Parameters, Spring 2007, pp. 85-98.
47.Jump up ^ Qutb, Milestones,p.9
48.Jump up ^ Islamic Government by Ayatollah Khomeini, 1970; p.55 of Islam and Revolution : Writings and Declarations of Imam Khomeini, (1982)
49.Jump up ^ Quoted in Abou El Fadl, Khaled, The Place of Tolerance in Islam, Abu al-Fadl, Boston : Beacon Press, c2002. p.17
50.Jump up ^ see Muhammad Sa`id `Ashmawi; Carolyn Fluehr-Lobban, Against Islamic Extremism: The Writings of Muhammad Sa'id al-Ashmawy, Gainesville: University Press of Florida, (1998) for "one incisive, yet controversial discussion of this issue."
51.Jump up ^ `Ashmawi, Against Islamic Extremism, (1998), p.l91
52.Jump up ^ Fuller, The Future of Political Islam, (2003) p.57
53.Jump up ^ Fuller, The Future of Political Islam, (2003) p.56-7
54.Jump up ^ Abdullah Ahmad an-Na'im, "Shari'a and Basic Human Rights Concerns", in Kurzman, Charles, Liberal Islam, Oxford University Press, 1996, p.5-6
55.Jump up ^ The Authoritative and Authoritarian In Islamic Discourses: A Contemporary Case Study by Khaled Abou El Fadl, Austin, TX : Dar Taiba, 1997. p.8
56.Jump up ^ Pipes, Daniel, In the Path of God, (1983) p.135
57.Jump up ^ Roy, The Failure of Political Islam, (1994), p.4)
58.Jump up ^ Qutb, Milestones, p.85
59.Jump up ^ Khomeini, Islam and Revolution, p.137-8
60.Jump up ^ Muslim Brotherhood
61.Jump up ^ Constitution of Saudi Arabia "The Quran is supposed to be the supreme law of the land ..."
62.Jump up ^ King Faisal of Saudi Arabia speaking in 1966 about whether the KSA would adopt a constitution: "Constitution? What for? The Koran is the oldest and most efficient constitution in the world." from: Political Power and the Saudi State by Ghassane Salameh footnote page 7, which in turn is from Le Monde, June 24, 1966
63.Jump up ^ Roy, Failure of Political Islam, (1998), p.42
64.Jump up ^ "Islam - Society and Change" by al-Sadiq al-Mahdi from Voices of Resurgent Islam, ed. John L. Esposito, (1983), p.233
65.Jump up ^ Dale Eickelman and James Piscatori, Muslim Politics, Princeton University Press, 1996, p.34
66.Jump up ^ "Islam - Society and Change" by al-Sadiq al-Mahdi, from Voices of Resurgent Islam, ed. John L. Esposito, 1983 p.234
67.Jump up ^ Fuller, The Future of Political Islam, (2003) p.64
68.Jump up ^ Schacht, Joseph, 1902-1969. The origins of Muhammadan jurisprudence,Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1950. quoted in Aslan, (2005), p.163
69.Jump up ^ unnamed teacher quoted by Aslan (2005), p.167
70.^ Jump up to: a b Aslan, (2005), p.167
71.^ Jump up to: a b c Aslan, (2005), p.65
72.Jump up ^ Dress Code
73.Jump up ^ M. J. Gohari (2000). The Taliban: Ascent to Power. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 108-110.
74.Jump up ^ Commentary. "French Tussle Over Muslim Head Scarf is Positive Push for Women's Rights" by Cheryl Benard
75.Jump up ^ Marzban, Omid (September 21, 2006). "Gulbuddin Hekmatyar: From Holy Warrior to Wanted Terrorist". The Jamestown Foundation. Retrieved 2008-07-04.[dead link]
76.Jump up ^ Chavis, Melody Ermachild (2003). Meena, heroine of Afghanistan: the martyr who founded RAWA, the Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan. New York, N.Y.: St. Martin's Press. p. 208. ISBN 978-0-312-30689-2.
77.Jump up ^ The Pioneer, August 14, 2001, "Acid test in the face of acid attacks" Sandhya Jain
78.Jump up ^ Kashmir women face threat of acid attacks from militants, Independent, The (London), Aug 30, 2001 by Peter Popham in Delhi
79.Jump up ^ 10 August, 2001, Kashmir women face acid attacks
80.Jump up ^ Molavi, Afshini The Soul of Iran, Norton, (2005), p.152: Following the mandating of the covering of hair by women in the Islamic Republic of Iran, a hijab-less woman `was shopping. A bearded young man approached me. He said he would throw acid on my face if I did not comply with the rules."
81.Jump up ^ In 2006, a group in Gaza calling itself "Just Swords of Islam" is reported to have claimed it threw acid at the face of a young woman who was dressed "immodestly," and warned other women in Gaza that they must wear hijab. Dec 2, 2006 Gaza women warned of immodesty
82.Jump up ^ Iranian journalist Amir Taheri tells of an 18-year-old college student at the American University in Beirut who on the eve of `Ashura in 1985 "was surrounded and attacked by a group of youths -- all members of Hezb-Allah, the Party of Allah. They objected to the `lax way` in which they thought she was dressed, and accused her of `insulting the blood of the martyrs` by not having her hair fully covered. Then one of the youths threw `a burning liquid` on her face." According to Taheri, "scores -- some say hundreds -- of women ... in Baalbek, in Beirut, in southern Lebanon and in many other Muslim cities from Tunis to Kuala Lumpur," were attacked in a similar manner from 1980 to 1986. Taheri, Amir, Holy Terror : the Inside Story of Islamic Terrorism, Adler & Adler, 1987, p.12
83.Jump up ^ Aslan, (2005), p.119
84.Jump up ^ Abou al-Fadl, Great Theft, (2004), p.172-4
85.Jump up ^ Roy, Failure of Islamism, (1994), p.82
86.^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g h The Western Mind of Radical Islam by Daniel Pipes First Things, December 1995
87.Jump up ^ Fuller, The Future of Political Islam, (2003) p.26
88.Jump up ^ Fuller, The Future of Political Islam, (2003) p.30
89.Jump up ^ Schirazi, Asghar, Constitution of Iran, I. B. Tauris (1998) p.219 Banning Women's Right to Divorce in Court
90.Jump up ^ Banning Music
91.Jump up ^ The Fall and Rise of Family Planning
92.Jump up ^ Detlev H. Khalid [Khalid Durán], "The Phenomenon of Re-Islamization," Aussenpolitik, 29 (1978): 448-49
93.Jump up ^ Shahrough Akhavi, "`Ulama': Shi`i `Ulama'," in John L. Esposito, ed., The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Modern Islamic World (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), vol. 4, p. 263.
94.Jump up ^ decision dated 20 December 1999
95.Jump up ^ Schirazi, The Constitution of Iran, (1997) p.18
96.Jump up ^ Walid Mahmoud Abdelnasser, The Islamic Movement in Egypt: Perceptions of International Relations, 1967-81, London: Kegan Paul International, 1994, p. 173.
97.Jump up ^ Corriere della Sera, 29 August 1994
98.Jump up ^ "An Interview with Iranian President Khatami," Middle East Insight, November–December 1997, p. 31
99.Jump up ^ Le Figaro, 15 April 1995
100.Jump up ^ IRI Supreme Leader Khamene'i on Iran Voice of the Islamic Republic of Iran, 7 June 1995
101.Jump up ^ Usama al-Baz, The Washington Times National Weekly Edition, 24–30 April 1995
102.Jump up ^ Anwar Ibrahim of Malaysia in The New York Times, 28 March 1980
103.Jump up ^ Imam Khomeini’s message to Gorbachev
104.Jump up ^ Joseph Schacht, An Introduction to Islamic Law, Oxford: At the Clarendon Press, 1964, p. 53. Those "administrative regulations" in fact amounted to a great deal of law.
105.Jump up ^ Keyhan [Newspaper], January 8, 1988. Nor was this Khomeini's only pronouncement along these lines. For example, shortly after coming to power, he announced that "to serve the nation is to serve God" (Radio Tehran, 3 November 1979).
106.Jump up ^ Quoted in Judith Miller, "Faces of Fundamentalism: Hassan al-Turabi and Muhammed Fadlallah," Foreign Affairs, November/December 1994, p. 132
107.Jump up ^ Ann Mayer, "The Shari`ah: A Methodology or a Body of Substantive Rules?" in Nicholas Heer, ed., Islamic Law and Jurisprudence (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1990), p. 193.
108.Jump up ^ The New Yorker, 12 April 1993
109.Jump up ^ Sohrab Behada, "Property Rights in Contemporary Islamic Economic Thought, Review of Social Economy, Summer 1989 v.47, (pp.185-211)
110.Jump up ^ Kuran, "The Economic Impact of Islamic Fundamentalism," in Marty and Appleby Fundamentalisms and the State, U of Chicago Press, 1993, p.302-41
111.Jump up ^ "The Discontents of Islamic Economic Mortality" by Timur Kuran, American Economic Review, 1996, p.438-442
112.^ Jump up to: a b Halliday, 100 Myths about the Middle East, (2005) p.89
113.Jump up ^ "The Islamic Resurgence: Prospects and Implications" by Kemal A. Faruki, from Voices of Resurgent Islam, ed. by John L. Esposito, 1983, p.289
114.Jump up ^ Fuller, Future of Political Islam (2003), p.26
115.Jump up ^ Fuller, Future of Political Islam (2003), p.196
116.Jump up ^ Qutb, Milestones, p.130
117.Jump up ^ Qutb, Milestones, p.139
118.Jump up ^ Roy, Failure of Political Islam, (1994) p.85
119.Jump up ^ Aslan, (2005), p.103
120.Jump up ^ Abu al-Fadl, Place of Tolerance in Islam, (2002) p.16
121.Jump up ^ Abu al-Fadl, Place of Tolerance in Islam, (2002) p.20-21
122.Jump up ^ Aslan, (2005), p. 106
123.Jump up ^ Islam and Revolution, p.34
124.Jump up ^ Roy, Failure of Political Islam (1994) p.19-20
125.Jump up ^ for example, Sayyid Qutb who believed the motivation of European imperialism was not "economic or political" but the same anti-Islamic hatred that drove the medieval crusades, or as he put it a "mask" to cover "the crusading spirit, since it is not possible for it to appear in its true form, as it was possible in the Middle Ages." from Qutb, Milestones, p.159-160
126.Jump up ^ Lewis, Islam and the West, (1993), p.12
127.^ Jump up to: a b Lewis, Islam and the West, (1993), p.13
128.Jump up ^ Maalouf, Amin, The Crusade Through Arab Eyes (1985) p.72
129.Jump up ^ Lewis, Islam and the West (1993), p.13
130.Jump up ^ Pipes, In the Path of God, (1983) p.85
131.Jump up ^ Khomeini, Islamic Government in Islam and Revolution Translated and annotated by Hamid Algar, (1981), p.48-49
132.^ Jump up to: a b c Halliday, 100 Myths about the Middle East, (2005), p.102-3
133.Jump up ^ Wistrich, Robert S. "Anti-Semitism and Jewish destiny." Jpost.com. 20 May 2015. 26 May 2015.
134.Jump up ^ column `Recognize the Enemies of Your Religion` from October 1980 children's supplement of al-Da'wa magazine entitled `The lion Cubs of al-Da'wa` quoted in Kepel, Le Prophete et Pharaon, p.112
135.Jump up ^ from 53-minute audiotape that "was circulated on various websites." dated Feb. 14, 2003. "Among a Band of Knights." quoted in Messages to the World, (2005) p.190,
136.Jump up ^ Sayyid Qutb, "Ma'rakatuna ma'a al-Yahud," [essay] 1951. Published in book of the same name Ma'rakatuna ma'a al-Yahud (Our battle with the Jews), Jedda, Saudi Arabia, 1970
137.Jump up ^ Khomeini, Islam and Revolution, (1981), p.89
138.Jump up ^ Khomeini, Islam and Revolution, (1981), p.27-8
139.Jump up ^ The Age of Sacred Terror by Daniel Benjamin and Steven Simon, p.68) (quotes from David Zeidan, `The Islamic Fundamentalist View of Life as Perennial Battle, Middle East Review of International Affairs, v.5, n.4 (Dec. 2001), accessed at meria.idc.aci.il/journal/2001/issue4/jv5n4a2.htm.
140.Jump up ^ Lecker, Michael, Muslims, Jews, and Pagans: Studies on Early Islamic Medina, Leiden, 1995. Quoted in Aslan, (2005), p.93-4
141.Jump up ^ Ahmad, Barakat, Muhammad and the Jews: A Re-Examination, New Delhi, 1979, pp.76-94
142.^ Jump up to: a b Aslan, (2005), p.94
143.Jump up ^ Baron, Salo Wittmayer, A Social and Religious History of the Jews, v.3, New York, 1964
144.Jump up ^ Reissener, H.G. "The Ummi Prophet and the Banu Israil," The Muslim World, 39, (1949)
145.Jump up ^ Newby, Gordon, A History of the Jews in Arabia, South Carolina, (1988), pp.75-79, 84-5, quoted in Aslan, (2005), p.97
146.Jump up ^ Reed, Jonathan, Archeology and the Galilean Jesus, A Re-Examination of the Evidence, Trinity Press International, (2000). Quoted in Aslan, (2005), p.97
147.Jump up ^ Sayeed Abdul A'la Maududi Jihad in Islam p.19
148.Jump up ^ Roy, Failure of Political Islam, (1994), p.6-7
149.Jump up ^ The Danger Within: Militant Islam in America Commentary, November 2001 quoting "Ismail Al-Faruqi, a Palestinian immigrant who founded the International Institute of Islamic Thought and taught for many years at Temple University in Philadelphia."
150.Jump up ^ Roy Failure of Political Islam, (1994), p.6-7
151.Jump up ^ If the King of Pop, Michael Jackson, Converts to Islam
152.Jump up ^ Converts to Terrorism



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Islamophobia

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Islamophobia (or anti-Muslim sentiment) is a term for prejudice against, hatred towards, or fear of the religion of Islam or Muslims. The term entered into common English usage in 1997 with the publication of a report by the Runnymede Trust condemning negative emotions such as fear, hatred, and dread directed at Islam or Muslims. While the term is now widely used, both the term itself and the underlying concept have been criticized.
The causes and characteristics of Islamophobia are still debated. Some scholars have defined it as a type of racism. Some commentators have posited an increase in Islamophobia resulting from the September 11 attacks, while others have associated it with the increased presence of Muslims in the United States, the European Union and other secular nations.



Contents  [hide]
1 Etymology and definitions 1.1 Runnymede Trust
1.2 Debate on the term and its limitations
1.3 Fear
1.4 Racism
1.5 Proposed alternatives
2 Origins and causes 2.1 History of the term
2.2 Contrasting views on Islam
2.3 Identity politics
2.4 Links to ideologies
2.5 Multiculturalism
3 Allegations of Islamophobia 3.1 Media
3.2 Organisations
4 Trends 4.1 Reports by governmental organizations
4.2 Research on Islamophobia and its correlates
4.3 Geographic trends
5 Criticism of term and use 5.1 Academic and political debate
5.2 The Associated Press Stylebook
6 See also
7 References 7.1 Footnotes
7.2 Sources
8 Further reading
9 External links

Etymology and definitions[edit]
The word Islamophobia is a neologism[1] formed from Islam and -phobia, a suffix used in English to form "nouns with the sense ‘fear of ——’, ‘aversion to ——’."[2] The compound form Islamo- contains the thematic vowel -o-, and is found in earlier coinages such as Islamo-Christian from the 19th century.
According to the Oxford English Dictionary, the word means "Intense dislike or fear of Islam, esp. as a political force; hostility or prejudice towards Muslims" and is attested to in English as early as 1923.[3] Mattias Gardell defines Islamophobia as "socially reproduced prejudices and aversion to Islam and Muslims, as well as actions and practices that attack, exclude or discriminate against persons on the basis that they are or perceived to be Muslim and be associated with Islam".[4]
Runnymede Trust[edit]
In 1996, the Runnymede Trust established the Commission on British Muslims and Islamophobia, chaired by Gordon Conway, the vice-chancellor of the University of Sussex. The Commission's report, Islamophobia: A Challenge for Us All, was published in November 1997 by the Home Secretary, Jack Straw. In the Runnymede report, Islamophobia was defined as "an outlook or world-view involving an unfounded dread and dislike of Muslims, which results in practices of exclusion and discrimination."[5]
The report went on to state that Islamophobia is the "dread or hatred of Islam and therefore, [the] fear and dislike of all Muslims," which also includes discrimination against Muslims through their exclusion from the economic, social, and public life of the nation. The opinions that Islam has no values in common with other cultures, that it is inferior to Western cultures, and is a violent political ideology rather than a religion are also, according to the report, part of the concept of Islamophobia.[6]
The trust stated that Islamophobia should not be viewed as a single entity, but as a range of “Islamophobias”, each with its own distinctive features.[7] This conception of Islamophobia tries to capture its complexity and historical evolution over time.[8] It also argues that Islamophobia is not simply a fear of Islam, but part of a wider fear of Arab peoples.[8]
Debate on the term and its limitations[edit]
At a 2009 symposium on "Islamophobia and Religious Discrimination", Robin Richardson, a former director of the Runnymede Trust[9] and the editor of Islamophobia: a challenge for us all,[10] said that "the disadvantages of the term Islamophobia are significant" on seven different grounds, including that it implies it is merely a "severe mental illness" affecting "only a tiny minority of people"; that use of the term makes those to whom it is applied "defensive and defiant" and absolves the user of "the responsibility of trying to understand them" or trying to change their views; that it implies that hostility to Muslims is divorced from factors such as skin color, immigrant status, fear of fundamentalism, or political or economic conflicts; that it conflates prejudice against Muslims in one's own country with dislike of Muslims in countries with which the West is in conflict; that it fails to distinguish between people who are against all religion from people who dislike Islam specifically; and that the actual issue being described is hostility to Muslims, "an ethno-religious identity within European countries", rather than hostility to Islam. Nonetheless, he argued that the term is here to stay, and that it is important to define it precisely.[11]
The exact definition of Islamophobia continues to be discussed with academics such as Chris Allen saying it lacks a clear definition.[12] Johannes Kandel, in a 2006 comment wrote that Islamophobia "is a vague term which encompasses every conceivable actual and imagined act of hostility against Muslims", and proceeds to argue that five of the criteria put forward by The Runnymede trust are invalid.[13] In an article published in the June 2013 edition of Standpoint, Douglas Murray argued that "the term 'Islamophobia' is so inexact that - in so far as there is a definition - it includes insult of and even inquiry into any aspect of Islam, including Muslim scripture."[14] When discrimination towards Muslims placed an emphasis on their religious affiliation and adherence, it has been termed as Muslimphobia, its alternative form of Muslimophobia,[15] Islamophobism,[16] antimuslimness and antimuslimism.[17][18][19] Individuals who discriminate against Muslims in general have been termed Islamophobes, Islamophobists,[20] anti-Muslimists,[21] antimuslimists,[22] islamophobiacs,[23] anti-Muhammadan,[24] Muslimphobes or its alternative spelling of Muslimophobes,[25] while individuals motivated by a specific anti-Muslim agenda or bigotry have been described as being anti-mosque,[26] anti-Shiites.[27] (or Shiaphobes[28]), anti-Sufism[29] (or Sufi-phobia)[30] and anti-Sunni (or Sunniphobes).[31]
Fear[edit]
As opposed to being a psychological or individualistic phobia, according to professor of religion Peter Gottschalk and Gabriel Greenberg, "Islamophobia" connotes a social anxiety about Islam and Muslims.[32][33] Some social scientists have adopted this definition and developed instruments to measure Islamophobia in form of fearful attitudes towards, and avoidance of, Muslims and Islam,[34][35] arguing that Islamophobia should "essentially be understood as an affective part of social stigma towards Islam and Muslims, namely fear" (p. 2).[35]
Racism[edit]
Several scholars consider Islamophobia as a form of racism.[36] A 2007 article in Journal of Sociology defines Islamophobia as anti-Muslim racism and a continuation of anti-Asian and anti-Arab racism.[37] Similarly, John Denham has drawn parallels between modern Islamophobia and the antisemitism of the 1930s,[38] so have Maud Olofsson,[39] and Jan Hjärpe, among others.[36][40][41][42][43]
Others have questioned the supposed relationship between Islamophobia and racism. Jocelyne Cesari writes that "academics are still debating the legitimacy of the term and questioning how it differs from other terms such as racism, anti-Islamism, anti-Muslimness, and anti-Semitism."[44][45] Erdenir finds that "there is no consensus on the scope and content of the term and its relationship with concepts such as racism ...”[46] and Shryock, reviewing the use of the term across national boundaries, comes to the same conclusion.[47] On occasion race does come into play. Diane Frost defines Islamophobia as anti-Muslim feeling and violence based on "race" or religion.[48] Islamophobia may also target people who have Muslim names, or have a look that is associated with Muslims.[49] According to Alan Johnson, Islamophobia sometimes can be nothing more than xenophobia or racism "wrapped in religious terms."[50]
The European Commission against Racism and Intolerance (ECRI) defines Islamophobia as the fear of or prejudiced viewpoint towards Islam, Muslims and matters pertaining to them (ECRI 2006). Whether it takes the shape of daily forms of racism and discrimination or more violent forms, Islamophobia is a violation of human rights and a threat to social cohesion".[4] It has also been defined as "fear of Muslims and Islam; rejection of the Muslim religion; or a form of differentialist racism" (Helbling 2011).[4]
Proposed alternatives[edit]
The concept of Islamophobia as formulated by Runnymede was also criticized by professor Fred Halliday on several levels. He writes that the target of hostility in the modern era is not Islam and its tenets as much as it is Muslims, suggesting that a more accurate term would be "Anti-Muslimism." He also states that strains and types of prejudice against Islam and Muslims vary across different nations and cultures, which is not recognized in the Runnymede analysis, which was specifically about Muslims in Britain.[51] Poole responds that many Islamophobic discourses attack what they perceive to be Islam's tenets, while Miles and Brown write that Islamophobia is usually based upon negative stereotypes about Islam which are then translated into attacks on Muslims. They also argue that "the existence of different ‘Islamophobias’ does not invalidate the concept of Islamophobia any more than the existence of different racisms invalidates the concept of racism."[52][53]
In a 2011 paper in American Behavioral Scientist, Erik Bleich stated "there is no widely accepted definition of Islamophobia that permits systematic comparative and causal analysis",[54] and advances "indiscriminate negative attitudes or emotions directed at Islam or Muslims" as a possible solution to this issue.
In order to differentiate between prejudiced views of Islam and secularly motivated criticism of Islam, Roland Imhoff and Julia Recker formulated the concept "Islamoprejudice", which they subsequently operationalised in an experiment. The experiment showed that their definition provided a tool for accurate differentiation.[55]
Origins and causes[edit]
History of the term[edit]
One early use cited as the term's first use is by the painter Alphonse Étienne Dinet and Algerian intellectual Sliman ben Ibrahim in their 1918 biography of Islam's prophet Muhammad.[56][57] Writing in French, they used the term islamophobie. Robin Richardson writes that in the English version of the book the word was not translated as "Islamophobia" but rather as "feelings inimical to Islam". Dahou Ezzerhouni has cited several other uses in French as early as 1910, and from 1912 to 1918.[58] These early uses of the term did not, according to Christopher Allen, have the same meaning as in contemporary usage, as they described a fear of Islam by liberal Muslims and Muslim feminists, rather than a fear or dislike/hatred of Muslims by non-Muslims.[57][59] On the other hand, Fernando Bravo Lopez argues that Dinet and ibn Sliman's use of the term was as a criticism of overly hostile attitudes to Islam by a Belgian orientalist, Henri Lammens, whose project they saw as a "'pseudo-scientific crusade in the hope of bringing Islam down once and for all.'" He also notes that an early definition of Islamophobia appears in the Ph.D. thesis of Alain Quellien, a French colonial bureaucrat:

For some, the Muslim is the natural and irreconcilable enemy of the Christian and the European; Islam is the negation of civilization, and barbarism, bad faith and cruelty are the best one can expect from the Mohammedans.
Furthermore, he notes that Quellien's work draws heavily on the work of the French colonial department's 1902-06 administrator, who published a work in 1906, which to a great extent mirrors John Esposito's The Islamic Threat: Myth or Reality?.[60]
The first recorded use of the term in English, according to the Oxford English Dictionary, was in 1923 in an article in The Journal of Theological Studies.[3] The term entered into common usage with the publication of the Runnymede Trust's report in 1997.[61] Kofi Annan asserted at a 2004 conference entitled "Confronting Islamophobia" that the word Islamophobia had to be coined in order to "take account of increasingly widespread bigotry".[62]
Contrasting views on Islam[edit]
The Runnymede report contrasted "open" and "closed" views of Islam, and stated that the following eight "closed" views are equated with Islamophobia:
1.Islam is seen as a monolithic bloc, static and unresponsive to change.
2.It is seen as separate and "other." It does not have values in common with other cultures, is not affected by them and does not influence them.
3.It is seen as inferior to the West. It is seen as barbaric, irrational, primitive, and sexist.
4.It is seen as violent, aggressive, threatening, supportive of terrorism, and engaged in a clash of civilizations.
5.It is seen as a political ideology, used for political or military advantage.
6.Criticisms made of "the West" by Muslims are rejected out of hand.
7.Hostility towards Islam is used to justify discriminatory practices towards Muslims and exclusion of Muslims from mainstream society.
8.Anti-Muslim hostility is seen as natural and normal.[63]
These "closed" views are contrasted, in the report, with "open" views on Islam which, while founded on respect for Islam, permit legitimate disagreement, dialogue and critique.[64] According to Benn and Jawad, The Runnymede Trust notes that anti-Muslim discourse is increasingly seen as respectable, providing examples on how hostility towards Islam and Muslims is accepted as normal, even among those who may actively challenge other prevalent forms of discrimination.[65]
Identity politics[edit]
It has been suggested that Islamophobia is closely related to identity politics, and gives its adherents the perceived benefit of constructing their identity in opposition to a negative, essentialized image of Muslims. This occurs in the form of self-righteousness, assignment of blame and key identity markers.[66] Davina Bhandar writes that:[67]

[...] the term ‘cultural’ has become synonymous with the category of the ethnic or minority (...). It views culture as an entity that is highly abstracted from the practices of daily life and therefore represents the illusion that there exists a spirit of the people. This formulation leads to the homogenisation of cultural identity and the ascription of particular values and proclivities onto minority cultural groups.
She views this as an ontological trap that hinders the perception of culture as something "materially situated in the living practices of the everyday, situated in time-space and not based in abstract projections of what constitutes either a particular tradition or culture."
In some societies, Islamophobia has materialized due to the portrayal of Islam and Muslims as the national "Other", where exclusion and discrimination occurs on the basis of their religion and civilization which differs with national tradition and identity. Examples include Pakistani and Algerian migrants in Britain and France respectively.[68][69] This sentiment, according to Malcolm Brown and Robert Miles, significantly interacts with racism, although Islamophobia itself is not racism.[70] Author Doug Saunders has drawn parallels between Islamophobia in the United States and its older discrimination and hate against Roman Catholics, saying that Catholicism was seen as backwards and imperial, while Catholic immigrants had poorer education and some were responsible for crime and terrorism.[71][72][73][73][49]
Brown and Miles write that another feature of Islamophobic discourse is to amalgamate nationality (e.g. Arab), religion (Islam), and politics (terrorism, fundamentalism) — while most other religions are not associated with terrorism, or even "ethnic or national distinctiveness."[69] They feel that "many of the stereotypes and misinformation that contribute to the articulation of Islamophobia are rooted in a particular perception of Islam", such as the notion that Islam promotes terrorism — especially prevalent after the September 11, 2001 attacks.[74]
The two-way stereotyping resulting from Islamophobia has in some instances resulted in mainstreaming of earlier controversial discourses, such as liberal attitudes towards gender equality[66][67] and homosexuals.[75] Christina Ho has warned against framing of such mainstreaming of gender equality in a colonial, paternal discourse, arguing that this may undermine minority women's ability to speak out about their concerns.[76]
Links to ideologies[edit]
Senior scientist at the Norwegian Center for Studies of Holocaust and Religious Minorities, Cora Alexa Døving, argues that there are significant similarities between Islamophobic discourse and European pre-Nazi antisemitism.[66] Among the concerns are imagined threats of minority growth and domination, threats to traditional institutions and customs, skepticism of integration, threats to secularism, fears of sexual crimes, fears of misogyny, fears based on historical cultural inferiority, hostility to modern Western Enlightenment values, etc.
Matti Bunzl has argued that there are important differences between Islamophobia and antisemitism. While antisemitism was a phenomenon closely connected to European nation-building processes, he sees Islamophobia as having the concern of European civilization as its focal point.[77] Døving, on the other hand, maintains that, at least in Norway, the Islamophobic discourse has a clear national element.[66] In a reply to Bunzl, French scholar of Jewish history, Esther Benbassa, agrees with him in that he draws a clear connection between modern hostile and essentializing sentiments towards Muslims and historical antisemitism. However, she argues against the use of the term Islamophobia, since, in her opinion, it attracts unwarranted attention to an underlying racist current.[78]
The head of the Media Responsibility Institute in Erlangen, Sabine Schiffer, and researcher Constantin Wagner, who also define Islamophobia as anti-Muslim racism, outline additional similarities and differences between Islamophobia and antisemitism.[79] They point out the existence of equivalent notions such as "Judaisation/Islamisation", and metaphors such as "a state within a state" are used in relation to both Jews and Muslims. In addition, both discourses make use of, among other rhetorical instruments, "religious imperatives" supposedly "proven" by religious sources, and conspiracy theories.
The differences between Islamophobia and antisemitism consist of the nature of the perceived threats to the "Christian West". Muslims are perceived as "inferior" and as a visible "external threat", while on the other hand, Jews are perceived as "omnipotent" and as an invisible "internal threat". However, Schiffer and Wagner also note that there is a growing tendency to view Muslims as a privileged group that constitute an "internal threat", and that this convergence between the two discources makes "it more and more necessary to use findings from the study of anti-Semitism to analyse Islamophobia". Schiffer and Wagner conclude,

The achievement in the study of anti-Semitism of examining Jewry and anti-Semitism separately must also be transferred to other racisms, such as Islamophobia. We do not need more information about Islam, but more information about the making of racist stereotypes in general.
The publication Social Work and Minorities: European Perspectives describes Islamophobia as the new form of racism in Europe,[80] arguing that "Islamophobia is as much a form of racism as anti-semitism, a term more commonly encountered in Europe as a sibling of racism, xenophobia and Intolerance."[81] Edward Said considers Islamophobia as it is evinced in Orientalism to be a trend in a more general antisemitic Western tradition.[82][83] Other note that there have been a transition from anti-Asian and anti-Arab racism to anti-Muslim racism,[84] while some note a racialization of religion.[85]
According to a 2012 report by a UK anti-racism group, counter-jihadist outfits in Europe and North America are becoming more cohesive by forging alliances, with 190 groups now identified as promoting an Islamophobic agenda.[86] In Islamophobia and its consequences on young people (p. 6) Ingrid Ramberg writes "Whether it takes the shape of daily forms of racism and discrimination or more violent forms, Islamophobia is a violation of human rights and a threat to social cohesion.". Professor John Esposito of Georgetown University calls Islamophobia "the new anti-Semitism".[40]
Mohamed Nimer compares Islamophobia with anti-Americanism. He argues that while both Islam and America can be subject to legitimate criticisms without detesting a people as a whole, bigotry against both are on the rise.[87]
Multiculturalism[edit]
According to Gabrielle Maranci, the increasing Islamophobia in the West is related to a rising repudiation of multiculturalism. Islam is widely regarded as the most resistant culture against Western, democratic values and its Judaeo-Christian heritage. Maranci concludes that "Islamophobia is a ‘phobia’ of multiculturalism and the transruptive effect that Islam can have in Europe and the West through transcultural processes."[88]
Allegations of Islamophobia[edit]
Media[edit]
Main article: Islamophobia in the media



 An American protester self-identifying as Islamophobic.
According to Elizabeth Poole in the Encyclopedia of Race and Ethnic Studies, the media has been criticized for perpetrating Islamophobia. She cites a case study examining a sample of articles in the British press from between 1994 and 2004, which concluded that Muslim viewpoints were underrepresented and that issues involving Muslims usually depicted them in a negative light. Such portrayals, according to Poole, include the depiction of Islam and Muslims as a threat to Western security and values.[89] Benn and Jawad write that hostility towards Islam and Muslims are "closely linked to media portrayals of Islam as barbaric, irrational, primitive and sexist."[65] Egorova and Tudor cite European researchers in suggesting that expressions used in the media such as "Islamic terrorism", "Islamic bombs" and "violent Islam" have resulted in a negative perception of Islam.[90] John E. Richardson's 2004 book (Mis)representing Islam: the racism and rhetoric of British broadsheet newspapers, criticized the British media for propagating negative stereotypes of Muslims and fueling anti-Muslim prejudice.[91] In another study conducted by John E. Richardson, he found that 85% of mainstream newspaper articles treated Muslims as a homogeneous mass who were imagined as a threat to British society.[92]
In 2009 Mehdi Hasan in the New Statesman criticized Western media for over-reporting a few Islamist terrorist incidents but under-reporting the much larger number of planned non-Islamist terrorist attacks carried out by "non-Irish white folks".[93] A 2012 study indicates that Muslims across different European countries, such as France, Germany and the United Kingdom, experience the highest degree of Islamophobia in the media.[35]
Media personalities have been accused of Islamophobia. The obituary in The Guardian for the Italian journalist Oriana Fallaci described her as "notorious for her Islamaphobia" [sic].[94]
Some media outlets are working explicitly against Islamophobia. In 2008 Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting ("FAIR") published a study "Smearcasting, How Islamophobes Spread Bigotry, Fear and Misinformation." The report cites several instances where mainstream or close to mainstream journalists, authors and academics have made analyses that essentialize negative traits as an inherent part of Muslims' moral makeup.[95] FAIR also established the "Forum Against Islamophobia and Racism", designed to monitor coverage in the media and establish dialogue with media organizations. Following the attacks of September 11, 2001, the Islamic Society of Britain's "Islam Awareness Week" and the "Best of British Islam Festival" were introduced to improve community relations and raise awareness about Islam.[96] In 2012 the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation stated that they will launch a TV channel to counter Islamophobia.[97]
Organisations[edit]



 An English Defence League demonstration. The placard reads Shut down the mosque command and control centre.
Stop Islamization of America (SIOA) and the Freedom Defense Initiative are designated as hate groups by the Anti-Defamation League[98] and the Southern Poverty Law Center.[99][100] In August 2012 SIOA generated media publicity by sponsoring billboards in New York subway stations claiming there had been 19,250 terrorist attacks by Muslims since 9/11 and stating "it's not Islamophobia, it's Islamorealism."[101] It later ran advertisements reading "In any war between the civilized man and the savage, support the civilized man. Support Israel. Defeat Jihad." Several groups condemned the advertisements as "hate speech" about all Muslims[102] while others defended the ad as a narrow criticism of violent jihad.[103] In early January 2013 the Freedom Defense Initiative put up advertisements next to 228 clocks in 39 New York subway stations showing the 2001 attacks on the World Trade Center with a quote attributed to the Quran: “Soon shall we cast terror into the hearts of the unbelievers.”[104] The New York City Transit Authority, which said it would have to carry the advertisements on First Amendment grounds, insisted that 25% of the ad contain a Transit Authority disclaimer.[105][106] These advertisements also were criticized.[107][108]
The English Defence League (EDL), an organization in the United Kingdom, has been described as anti-Muslim. It was formed in 2009 to oppose what it considers to be a spread of Islamism, Sharia law and Islamic extremism in the UK.[109] The EDL’s former leader, Tommy Robinson, left the group in 2013 after admitting that he could not control anti-Muslim extremism within its membership.[110]
Trends[edit]
Islamophobia has become a topic of increasing sociological and political importance.[69] According to Benn and Jawad, Islamophobia has increased since Ayatollah Khomeini's fatwa inciting Muslims to attempt to murder Salman Rushdie, the author of The Satanic Verses and the September 11 attacks.[111] Anthropologist Steven Vertovec writes that the purported growth in Islamophobia may be associated with increased Muslim presence in society and successes.[112] He suggests a circular model, where increased hostility towards Islam and Muslims results in governmental countermeasures such as institutional guidelines and changes to legislation, which itself may fuel further Islamophobia due to increased accommodation for Muslims in public life. Vertovec concludes: "As the public sphere shifts to provide a more prominent place for Muslims, Islamophobic tendencies may amplify."[112]



 A mannequin symbolizing a Muslim in a keffiyeh, strapped to a "Made in the USA" bomb display at a protest of Park51 in New York City.
Patel, Humphries, and Naik claim that "Islamophobia has always been present in Western countries and cultures. In the last two decades, it has become accentuated, explicit and extreme."[113] However, Vertovec states that some have observed that Islamophobia has not necessarily escalated in the past decades, but that there has been increased public scrutiny of it.[112] According to Abduljalil Sajid, one of the members of the Runnymede Trust's Commission on British Muslims and Islamophobia, "Islamophobias" have existed in varying strains throughout history, with each version possessing its own distinct features as well as similarities or adaptations from others.[114]
In December 2005 Ziauddin Sardar, an Islamic scholar, wrote in the New Statesman that Islamophobia is a widespread European phenomenon.[115] He noted that each country has anti-Muslim political figures, citing Jean-Marie Le Pen in France; Pim Fortuyn in the Netherlands; and Philippe van der Sande of Vlaams Blok, a Flemish nationalist party in Belgium. Sardar argued that Europe is "post-colonial, but ambivalent." Minorities are regarded as acceptable as an underclass of menial workers, but if they want to be upwardly mobile anti-Muslim prejudice rises to the surface. Wolfram Richter, professor of economics at Dortmund University of Technology, told Sardar: "I am afraid we have not learned from our history. My main fear is that what we did to Jews we may now do to Muslims. The next holocaust would be against Muslims."[115] Similar fears, as noted by Kenan Malik in his book From Fatwa to Jihad, had been previously expressed in the UK by Muslim philosopher Shabbir Akhtar in 1989, and Massoud Shadjareh, chair of the Islamic Human Rights Commission in 2000. In 2006 Salma Yaqoob, a Respect Party Councillor, claimed that Muslims in Britain were "subject to attacks reminiscent of the gathering storm of anti-Semitism in the first decades of the last century.".[116] Malik, a senior visiting fellow in the Department of Political, International and Policy Studies at the University of Surrey, has described these claims of a brewing holocaust as "hysterical to the point of delusion"; whereas Jews in Hitler's Germany were given the official designation of Untermenschen, and were subject to escalating legislation which diminished and ultimately removed their rights as citizens, Malik noted that in cases where "Muslims are singled out in Britain, it is often for privileged treatment" such as the 2005 legislation banning "incitement to religious hatred", the special funding Muslim organizations and bodies receive from local and national government, the special provisions made by workplaces, school and leisure centres for Muslims, and even suggestions by the Archbishop of Canterbury Rowan Williams and the former Lord Chief Justice, Lord Phillips, that sharia law should be introduced into Britain.[117] The fact is, wrote Malik, that such well-respected public figures as Akhtar, Shadjareh and Yaqoob need "a history lesson about the real Holocaust reveals how warped the Muslim grievance culture has become."[117]
In 2006 ABC News reported that "[p]ublic views of Islam are one casualty of the post-Sept. 11, 2001 conflict: Nearly six in 10 Americans think the religion is prone to violent extremism, nearly half regard it unfavorably, and a remarkable one in four admits to prejudicial feelings against Muslims and Arabs alike." They also report that 27 percent of Americans admit feelings of prejudice against Muslims.[118] Gallup polls in 2006 found that 40 percent of Americans admit to prejudice against Muslims, and 39 percent believe Muslims should carry special identification.[119] Associate Professor Deepa Kumar writes that "Islamophobia is about politics rather than religion per se"[120] and that modern-day demonization of Arabs and Muslims by US politicians and others is racist and Islamophobic, and employed in support of what she describes as an unjust war. About the public impact of this rhetoric, she says that "One of the consequences of the relentless attacks on Islam and Muslims by politicians and the media is that Islamophobic sentiment is on the rise." She also chides some "people on the left" for using the same "Islamophobic logic as the Bush regime".[121] In this regards, Kumar confirms the assertions of Stephen Sheehi, who "conceptualises Islamophobia as an ideological formation within the context of the American empire. Doing so “allows us to remove it from the hands of ‘culture’ or from the myth of a single creator or progenitor, whether it be a person, organisation or community.” An ideological formation, in this telling, is a constellation of networks that produce, proliferate, benefit from, and traffic in Islamophobic discourses."[122]
The writer and scholar on religion Reza Aslan has said that "Islamophobia has become so mainstream in this country that Americans have been trained to expect violence against Muslims — not excuse it, but expect it"[123]
A January 2010 British Social Attitudes Survey found that the British public "is far more likely to hold negative views of Muslims than of any other religious group,"[124] with "just one in four" feeling "positively about Islam," and a "majority of the country would be concerned if a mosque was built in their area, while only 15 per cent expressed similar qualms about the opening of a church."[125]
Reports by governmental organizations[edit]
The largest project monitoring Islamophobia was undertaken following 9/11 by the EU watchdog, European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia (EUMC). Their May 2002 report "Summary report on Islamophobia in the EU after 11 September 2001", written by Chris Allen and Jorgen S. Nielsen of the University of Birmingham, was based on 75 reports — 15 from each EU member nation.[126][127] The report highlighted the regularity with which ordinary Muslims became targets for abusive and sometimes violent retaliatory attacks after 9/11. Despite localized differences within each member nation, the recurrence of attacks on recognizable and visible traits of Islam and Muslims was the report's most significant finding. Incidents consisted of verbal abuse, blaming all Muslims for terrorism, forcibly removing women's hijabs, spitting on Muslims, calling children "Osama", and random assaults. A number of Muslims were hospitalized and in one instance paralyzed.[127] The report also discussed the portrayal of Muslims in the media. Inherent negativity, stereotypical images, fantastical representations, and exaggerated caricatures were all identified. The report concluded that "a greater receptivity towards anti-Muslim and other xenophobic ideas and sentiments has, and may well continue, to become more tolerated."[127]
The EUMC has since released a number of publications related to Islamophobia, including The Fight against Antisemitism and Islamophobia: Bringing Communities together (European Round Tables Meetings) (2003) and Muslims in the European Union: Discrimination and Islamophobia (2006).[128]
Professor in History of Religion, Anne Sophie Roald, states that Islamophobia was recognized as a form of intolerance alongside xenophobia and antisemitism at the "Stockholm International Forum on Combating Intolerance",[129] held in January 2001.[130] The conference, attended by UN Secretary General Kofi Annan, High Commissioner for Human Rights Mary Robinson, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe Secretary General Ján Kubis and representatives of the European Union and Council of Europe, adopted a declaration to combat "genocide, ethnic cleansing, racism, antisemitism, Islamophobia and xenophobia, and to combat all forms of racial discrimination and intolerance related to it." [131]
The Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, in its 5th report to Islamophobia Observatory of 2012, found an "institutionalization and legitimization of the phenomenon of Islamophobia" in the West over the previous five years.[132]
Research on Islamophobia and its correlates[edit]
Various studies have been conducted to investigate Islamophobia and its correlates among majority populations and among Muslim minorities themselves. To start with, an experimental study showed that anti-Muslim attitudes may be stronger than more general xenophobic attitudes.[133] Moreover, studies indicate that anti-Muslim prejudice among majority populations is primarily explained by the perception of Muslims as a cultural threat, rather than as a threat towards the respective nation's economy.[134][135][136]
Studies focusing on the experience of Islamophobia among Muslims have shown that the experience of religious discrimination is associated with lower national identification and higher religious identification.[137][138] In other words, religious discrimination seems to lead Muslims to increase their identification with their religion and to decrease their identification with their nation of residence. Some studies further indicate that societal Islamophobia negatively influences Muslim minorities' health.[35][139] One of the studies showed that the perception of an Islamophobic society is associated with more psychological problems, such as depression and nervousness, regardless whether the respective individual had personally experienced religious discrimination.[35] As the authors of the study suggest, anti-discrimination laws may therefore be insufficient to fully protect Muslim minorities from an environment which is hostile towards their religious group.
Geographic trends[edit]
An increase of Islamophobia in Russia follows the growing influence of the strongly conservative sect of Wahhabism, according to Nikolai Sintsov of the National Anti-Terrorist Committee.[140] Various translations of the Qur'an have been banned by the Russian government for promoting extremism and Muslim supremacy.[141][142] Anti-Muslim rhetoric is on the rise in Georgia.[143] In Greece, Islamophobia accompanies anti-immigrant sentiment, as immigrants are now 15% of the country's population and 90% of the EU’s illegal entries are through Greece.[144] In France Islamophobia is tied, in part, to the nation's long-standing tradition of secularism.[145] In Burma the 969 Movement has been accused of events such as the 2012 Rakhine State riots.
Jocelyne Cesari, in her study of discrimination against Muslims in Europe,[146] finds that anti-Islamic sentiment is almost impossible to separate from other drivers of discrimination. Because Muslims are mainly from immigrant backgrounds and the largest group of immigrants (in the UK, France, Germany, Spain, and the Netherlands) xenophobia overlaps with Islamophobia. This differs from the American situation where Hispanic immigrants dominate. Classism is another overlapping factor in some nations. Muslims have lower income and poorer education in France, Spain, Germany, and the Netherlands while Muslims in the US have higher income and education than the general population. In the UK, Islam is seen as a threat to secularism in response to the calls by some Muslims for blasphemy laws. In the Netherlands, Islam is seen as a socially conservative force that threatens gender equality and the acceptance of homosexuality.
The European Network Against Racism (ENAR) reports that Islamophobic crimes are on the increase in France, England and Wales. In Sweden crimes with an Islamophobic motive increased by 69% from 2009 to 2013.[147]
Criticism of term and use[edit]



 British novelist Salman Rushdie, a former Muslim, ridiculed the term 'Islamophobia'.
Although the term is widely recognized and used,[148] the use of the term, its construction and the concept itself have been widely criticized. Roland Imhoff and Julia Recker, in an article that puts forward the term "Islamoprejudice" as a better alternative, write that "... few concepts have been debated as heatedly over the last ten years as the term Islamophobia."[55] Jocelyne Cesari reported widespread challenges in the use and meaning of the term in 2006.[59][149]
Writing in 2008 Ed Husain, a former member of Hizb ut-Tahrir and co-founder of Quilliam,[150] said that under pressure from Islamist extremists, "'Islamophobia' has become accepted as a phenomenon on a par with racism", claiming that "Outside a few flashpoints where the BNP is at work, most Muslims would be hard-pressed to identify Islamophobia in their lives".[151]
Salman Rushdie criticized the coinage of the word 'Islamophobia' saying that it "was an addition to the vocabulary of Humpty Dumpty Newspeak. It took the language of analysis, reason and dispute, and stood it on its head".[152]
Academic and political debate[edit]
Paul Jackson, in a critical study of the anti-Islamic English Defence League, argues that the term Islamophobia creates a stereotype where “any criticism of Muslim societies [can be] dismissed ...” The term feeds “a language of polarised polemics ... to close down discussion on genuine areas of criticism ...” Consequently, the term is “losing much [of its] analytical value".[153]
Professor Eli Göndör wrote that the term Islamophobia should be replaced with "Muslimophobia".[154] As Islamophobia is "a rejection of a population on the grounds of Muslimness", other researches suggest "Muslimism".[155]
Professor Mohammad H. Tamdgidi of the University of Massachusetts, Boston, has generally endorsed the definition of Islamophobia as defined by the Runnymede Trust's Islamophobia: A Challenge for Us All. However, he notes that the report's list of "open" views of Islam itself presents "an inadvertent definitional framework for Islamophilia": that is, it "falls in the trap of regarding Islam monolithically, in turn as being characterized by one or another trait, and does not adequately express the complex heterogeneity of a historical phenomenon whose contradictory interpretations, traditions, and sociopolitical trends have been shaped and has in turn been shaped, as in the case of any world tradition, by other world-historical forces."[156]
Other critics argue that the term conflates criticism of "Islamic totalitarianism" with hatred of Muslims. In the wake of the Jyllands-Posten Muhammad cartoons controversy, a group of 12 writers, including novelist Salman Rushdie, signed a manifesto entitled Together facing the new totalitarianism in the French weekly satirical newspaper Charlie Hebdo, warning against the use of the term Islamophobia to prevent criticism of "Islamic totalitarianism".[157][158] Writing in the New Humanist, philosopher Piers Benn suggests that people who fear the rise of Islamophobia foster an environment "not intellectually or morally healthy", to the point that what he calls "Islamophobia-phobia" can undermine "critical scrutiny of Islam as somehow impolite, or ignorant of the religion's true nature."[159]
Alan Posener and Alan Johnson have written that, while the idea of Islamophobia is sometimes misused, those who claim that hatred of Muslims is justified as opposition to Islamism actually undermine the struggle against Islamism.[50] Roger Kimball argues that the word “Islamophobia” is inherently a prohibition or fear of criticizing of radical Islam.[160] According to Pascal Bruckner, the term was invented by Iranian fundamentalists in the late 1970s analogous to "xenophobia" in order to denounce as racism what he feels is legitimate criticism of Islam.[161] The author Sam Harris, while denouncing bigotry, racism, and prejudice against Muslims or Arabs, rejects the term, Islamophobia,[162] as an invented psychological disorder, and states criticizing those Islamic beliefs and practices he believes pose a threat to civil society is not a form of bigotry or racism.[163] Harris himself says that Islam is in urgent need of reformation by Muslims as its doctrines as they stand are antiquated and, if armed with modern technology, uniquely dangerous to civilization.[164] Philosopher Michael Walzer says that fear of religious militancy is not phobia, and compares fear of radical Islam with the fear Muslims and Jews could feel towards Christians during the crusades.[165]
In Australia, a Professor of Psychology from the University of Melbourne and a Professor of Sociology from the University of New South Wales have said that the term Islamophobia is used to dismiss opinions people dislike, by invalidating the people who hold those opinions.[166][167] French Prime Minister Manuel Valls said in January 2015 following the Charlie Hebdo shooting “It is very important to make clear to people that Islam has nothing to do with ISIS. There is a prejudice in society about this, but on the other hand, I refuse to use this term 'Islamophobia,' because those who use this word are trying to invalidate any criticism at all of Islamist ideology. The charge of 'Islamophobia' is used to silence people”.[168]
The Associated Press Stylebook[edit]
In December 2012, media sources reported that the terms "homophobia" and "Islamophobia" would no longer be included in the AP Stylebook, and Deputy Standards Editor Dave Minthorn expressed concern about the usage of the terms, describing them as "just off the mark" and saying that they seem "inaccurate". Minthorn stated that AP decided that the terms should not be used in articles with political or social contexts because they imply an understanding of the mental state of another individual. The terms no longer appears on the online stylebook, and Minthorn believes journalists should employ more precise phrases to avoid "ascribing a mental disability to someone".[169][170]
See also[edit]

Portal icon Discrimination portal
Portal icon Islam portal
Persecution of Muslims
Religious intolerance
Religious persecution
Anti-Christian sentiment Anti-Catholicism
Anti-Protestantism
Antisemitism
Persecution of Bahá'ís
Islamophobia in the media
References[edit]
Footnotes[edit]
1.Jump up ^ Roland Imhoff & Julia Recker (University of Bonn). "Differentiating Islamophobia: Introducing a new scale to measure Islamoprejudice and Secular Islam Critique". Retrieved 2013-09-19.
2.Jump up ^ "Oxford English Dictionary: -phobia, comb. form". Oxford University Press.(subscription required)
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5.Jump up ^ Encyclopedia of Race and Ethics, p. 215
6.Jump up ^ Runnymede 1997, p. 5, cited in Quraishi 2005, p. 60.
7.Jump up ^ Garner, Steve and Saher Selod "The Racialization of Muslims: Empirical Studies of Islamophobia."] Critical Sociology 41.1 p. 11
8.^ Jump up to: a b Garner, Steve and Saher Selod "The Racialization of Muslims: Empirical Studies of Islamophobia."] Critical Sociology 41.1
9.Jump up ^ "Runnymede Trust - Ranimed, Runnymede and a Long Report". Retrieved 18 March 2015.
10.Jump up ^ http://www.mcb.org.uk/article_detail.php?article=announcement-862
11.Jump up ^ Richardson, Robin (December 2009). "Islamophobia or anti-muslim racism – or what?" PDF (119 KB), Insted website. Accessed December 30, 2011.
12.Jump up ^ * Allen, Chris (2010). Islamophobia. Ashgate. p. 21. ISBN 978-0754651390. Bleich, Erik (December 2011). "What Is Islamophobia and How Much Is There? Theorizing and Measuring an Emerging Comparative Concept". American Behavioral Scientist 55 (12): 1581–1600. doi:10.1177/0002764211409387. Cesari, Jocelyne (1 June 2006). Muslims In Western Europe After 9/11: Why the term Islamophobia is more a predicament than an explanation PDF (118 KB), Euro-Islam.Info: p. 5
Imhoff, Roland & Recker, Julia; Recker (December 2012). "Differentiating Islamophobia:Introducing a new scale to measure Islamoprejudice and Secular Islam Critique". Political Psychology 33 (6): 811–824. doi:10.1111/j.1467-9221.2012.00911.x.Andrew Shryock, ed. (2010). Islamophobia/Islamophilia: Beyond the Politics of Enemy and Friend. Indiana University Press. p. 6. ISBN 978-0-253-22199-5. Burak Erdenir (2010). Anna Triandafyllidou, ed. Muslims in 21st Century Europe: Structural and Cultural Perspectives. Routledge. p. 28. ISBN 978-0415497091.
13.Jump up ^ Kandel, Johannes (August 2006). Islamophobia – On the Career of a Controversial Term PDF (118 KB), Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung
14.Jump up ^ Douglas Murray "Forget 'Islamophobia'. Let's tackle Islamism" Standpoint, June 2013, Issue 53: p. 34
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16.Jump up ^ Pande, Rekha (2012). Globalization, Technology Diffusion and Gender Disparity. p. 99.
17.Jump up ^ Racism and Human Rights - Page 8, Raphael Walden - 2004
18.Jump up ^ Muslims in Western Europe - Page 169, Jørgen S. Nielsen - 2004
19.Jump up ^ Children's Voices: Studies of Interethnic Conflict and Violence in European schools, Mateja Sedmak, p124
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21.Jump up ^ 2002, Fred halliday, Two hours that shook the world, p 97
22.Jump up ^ Kollontai, Pauline (2007). Community Identity: Dynamics of Religion in Context. p. 254.
23.Jump up ^ Seid, Amine (2011). Islamic Terrorism and the Tangential Response of the West. p. 39.
24.Jump up ^ Goknar, Erdag (2013). Orhan Pamuk, Secularism and Blasphemy. p. 219.
25.Jump up ^ Arasteh, Kamyar (2004). The American Reichstag. p. 94.
26.Jump up ^ Dressler, Markus (2011). Secularism and Religion-Making. p. 250.
27.Jump up ^ Kaim, Markus (2013). Great Powers and Regional Orders. p. 157.
28.Jump up ^ 2013, Glen Perry, The International Relations of the Contemporary Middle East, p 161
29.Jump up ^ Toyin Falola - 2001, Violence in Nigeria: The Crisis of Religious Politics and Secular Ideologies, page 240, "Anti-Sufism itself is therefore a marker of identity, and the formation of the Izala proves this beyond any reasonable doubt".
30.Jump up ^ Colonialism and Revolution in the Middle East, page 197, Juan Ricardo Cole - 1999, "Ironically, the Sufi-phobia of the British consuls in the aftermath of 1857 led them to look in the wrong places for urban disturbances in the 1860s."
31.Jump up ^ 2005, Ahmed Hashim, Insurgency and Counter-insurgency in Iraq, Cornell University Press (2006), ISBN 9780801444524
32.Jump up ^ Corrina Balash Kerr (2007-11-20). "Faculty, Alumnus Discuss Concept of "Islamophobia" in Co-Authored Book". Wesleyan University Newsletter. Retrieved 2007-12-29.
33.Jump up ^ "Images of Muslims: Discussing Islamophobia with Peter Gottschalk". Political Affairs. 2007-11-19. Archived from the original on 2007-12-06. Retrieved 2007-12-29.
34.Jump up ^ Lee, S. A.; Gibbons, J. A.; Thompson, J. M.; Timani, H. S. (2009). "The islamophobia scale: Instrument development and initial validation". International Journal for the Psychology of Religion 19 (2): 92–105. doi:10.1080/10508610802711137.
35.^ Jump up to: a b c d e Kunst, J. R.; Sam, D. L.; Ulleberg, P. (2012). "Perceived islamophobia: Scale development and validation". International Journal of Intercultural Relations 37: 225–237. doi:10.1016/j.ijintrel.2012.11.001.
36.^ Jump up to: a b The Multicultural State We're In: Muslims,'Multiculture' and the 'Civic Re‐balancing' of British Multiculturalism, Political Studies: 2009 Vol 57, 473–497 Remaking multiculturalism after 7/7, Tariq Modood, 29 September 2005
The most important such form of cultural racism today is anti-Muslim racism, sometimes called Islamophobia.
Nathan Lean (2012). The Islamophobia Industry: How the Right Manufactures Fear of Muslims. Pluto Press. ISBN 978-0745332543.
“Biological racist discourses have now been replaced by what is called the ‘new racism’ or ‘cultural racist’ discourses.”
A sociological comparison of anti-Semitism and anti-Muslim sentiment in Britain, Nasar Meer, Tehseen Noorani The Sociological Review, Volume 56, Issue 2, pages 195–219, May 2008
Across Europe activists and certain academics are struggling to get across an understanding in their governments and their countries at large that anti-Muslim racism/Islamophobia is now one of the most pernicious forms of contemporary racism and that steps should be taken to combat it.
"GET OFF YOUR KNEES", Journalism Studies, Volume 7, Issue 1, 2006, pages 35-59
Anti-Semitism and Islamophobia - new enemies, old patterns
Fighting anti-Muslim racism: an interview with A. Sivanandan
Differentiating Islamophobia: Introducing a new scale to measure Islamoprejudice and Secular Islam Critique
Thus, Islamophobia is characterized as neologism for racism
Darkmatter: Racism and Islamophobia
Racism, however, did not and does not depend on the actual existence of races. In the last fifty years the two communities in Europe which have been subjugated to some of the most intense forms of racist genocidal violence were the German Jews and the Bosnian Muslims.
Huffington Post: Yes, Virginia, Islamophobia Is Racism
IHRC: Is Islamophobia a form of racism
Grosfoguel concludes that Islamophobia is a form of racism in Europe. /../ This racism encompasses religion, culture, race and white supremacy of knowledge.

37.Jump up ^ Poynting, S.; Mason, V. (2007). "The resistible rise of Islamophobia: Anti-Muslim racism in the UK and Australia before 11 September 2001". Journal of Sociology 43: 61. doi:10.1177/1440783307073935.
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44.Jump up ^ Jocelyne Cesari "Muslims In Western Europe After 9/11: Why the term Islamophobia is more a predicament than an explanation" Submission to the Changing Landscape of Citizenship and Security: 6th PCRD of European Commission. 1 June 2006: p. 6
45.Jump up ^ John L. Esposito, ed. (2011). Islamophobia: The Challenge of Pluralism in the 21st Century. Oxford University Press. p. 21. ISBN 978-0199753642.
46.Jump up ^ Anna Triandafyllidou, ed. (2010). Muslims in 21st Century Europe: Structural and Cultural Perspectives. Routledge. p. 28. ISBN 978-0415497091.
47.Jump up ^ Andrew Shryock, ed. (2010). Islamophobia/Islamophilia: Beyond the Politics of Enemy and Friend. Indiana University Press. pp. 6–25. ISBN 978-0253221995.
48.Jump up ^ Frost, D. (2008). "Islamophobia: Examining causal links between the media and "race hate" from "below"". International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 28 (11/12): 564–578. doi:10.1108/01443330810915251.
49.^ Jump up to: a b Islamofobi - en studie av begreppet, ungdomars attityder och unga muslimers utsatthet, published by Forum för levande historia
The rise of anti-Muslim racism in Australia: who benefits?
 Poynting & Mason: "Tolerance, Freedom, Justice and Peace?: Britain, Australia and Anti-Muslim Racism since 11 September 2001", Journal of Intercultural Studies, Vol. 27, No. 4 (2006), pp.365-391 doi:10.1080/07256860600934973
50.^ Jump up to: a b Alan Johnson (6 Mar 2011). "The Idea of 'Islamophobia'". World Affairs.
51.Jump up ^ Aldridge, Alan (February 1, 2000). Religion in the Contemporary World: A Sociological Introduction. Polity Press. p. 138. ISBN 978-0-7456-2083-1.
52.Jump up ^ Miles; Brown (2003) pp. 165–166
53.Jump up ^ Poole, E. (2003) p. 219
54.Jump up ^ Bleich, Erik (2011). "What Is Islamophobia and How Much Is There? Theorizing and Measuring an Emerging Comparative Concept". American Behavioral Scientist 55 (12): 1581–1600. doi:10.1177/0002764211409387.
55.^ Jump up to: a b Imhoff, Roland & Recker, Julia "Differentiating Islamophobia: Introducing a new scale to measure Islamoprejudice and Secular Islam Critique" Journal of Political Psychology
56.Jump up ^ Dinet, Alphonse Étienne; ben Ibrahim, Sliman (1918). La Vie de Mohammed, Prophète d’Allah. Paris. cited from Otterbeck, Jonas; Bevelander, Pieter (2006). Islamofobi — en studie av begreppet, ungdomars attityder och unga muslimars utsatthet (PDF) (in Swedish). Anders Lange. Stockholm: Forum för levande historia. ISBN 91-976073-6-3. Retrieved 23 November 2011. "modern orientalists [are partially] influenced by an islamofobia, which is poorly reconciled with science and hardly worthy of our time"
57.^ Jump up to: a b Allen, Christopher (2010). Islamophobia. Ashgate Publishing. pp. 5–6.
58.Jump up ^ Ezzerhouni, Dahou. "L'islamophobie, un racisme apparu avec les colonisations", Algerie-Focus, February 3, 2010. "Le mot serai ainsi apparu pour la première fois dans quelques ouvrages du début du XXème siècle. On peut citer entre autre « La politique musulmane dans l’Afrique Occidentale Française » d’Alain Quellien publié en 1910, suivi de quelques citations dans la Revue du Monde Musulman en 1912 et 1918, la Revue du Mercure de France en 1912, « Haut-Sénégal-Niger » de Maurice Delafosse en 1912 et dans le Journal of Theological Studies en 1924. L’année suivante, Etienne Dinet et Slimane Ben Brahim, employaient ce terme qui «conduit à l’aberration » dans leur ouvrage « L’Orient vu par l’Occident »."
59.^ Jump up to: a b Chris Allen (2007). "Islamophobia and its Consequences". European Islam (Centre for European Policy Studies): 144 to 167.
60.Jump up ^ Bravo López, F. (2011). "Towards a definition of Islamophobia: Approximations of the early twentieth century". Ethnic and Racial Studies 34 (4): 556–573. doi:10.1080/01419870.2010.528440. edit
61.Jump up ^ Otterbeck, Jonas; Bevelander, Pieter (2006). Islamofobi — en studie av begreppet, ungdomars attityder och unga muslimars utsatthet (PDF) (in Swedish). Anders Lange. Stockholm: Forum för levande historia. ISBN 91-976073-6-3. Retrieved 23 November 2011
62.Jump up ^ Annan, Kofi. "Secretary-General, addressing headquarters seminar Wed Confronting Islamophobia", United Nations, press release, December 7, 2004.
63.Jump up ^ "Islamophobia: A Challenge for Us All" PDF (69.7 KB), Runnymede Trust, 1997.
64.Jump up ^ Benn; Jawad (2004) p. 162
65.^ Jump up to: a b Benn; Jawad (2004) p. 165
66.^ Jump up to: a b c d Døving, Cora Alexa (2010). "Anti-Semitism and Islamophobia: A Comparison of Imposed Group Identities" (PDF). Tidsskrift for Islamforskning (Forum for Islamforskning) (2): 52–76. Retrieved 23 November 2011.
67.^ Jump up to: a b Bhandar, D. (2010). "Cultural politics: Disciplining citizenship". Citizenship Studies 14 (3): 331–343. doi:10.1080/13621021003731963.
68.Jump up ^ Poole, E. (2003) p. 216
69.^ Jump up to: a b c Miles; Brown (2003) p. 163
70.Jump up ^ Miles; Brown (2003) pp. 163–164
71.Jump up ^ Saunders, Doug (18 September 2012). "Catholics Then, Muslims Now". The New York Times. Retrieved 18 February 2014.
72.Jump up ^ Fredman, Sandra (2001). Discrimination and human rights: the case of racism. Oxford [Oxfordshire]: Oxford University Press. p. 121. ISBN 0-19-924603-3.
 Haddad, Yvonne Yazbeck (2002). Muslims in the West: from sojourners to citizens. Oxford [Oxfordshire]: Oxford University Press. p. 19. ISBN 0-19-514806-1.
Islamophobia: A Challenge for Us All, Runnymede Trust, 1997, p. 1, cited in Quraishi, Muzammil (2005). Muslims and crime: a comparative study. Aldershot, Hants, England: Ashgate. p. 60. ISBN 0-7546-4233-X.
73.^ Jump up to: a b Holden, Cathie; Hicks, David V. (2007). Teaching the global dimension: key principles and effective practice. New York: Routledge. p. 140. ISBN 0-415-40448-7.
74.Jump up ^ Miles; Brown (2003) p. 166
75.Jump up ^ Mepschen, P.; Duyvendak, J. W.; Tonkens, E. H. (2010). "Sexual Politics, Orientalism and Multicultural Citizenship in the Netherlands". Sociology 44 (5): 962. doi:10.1177/0038038510375740.
76.Jump up ^ Ho, Christina (July–August 2007). "Muslim women's new defenders: Women's rights, nationalism and Islamophobia in contemporary Australia". Women's Studies International Forum (ScienceDirect) 30 (4): 290–298. doi:10.1016/j.wsif.2007.05.002.
77.Jump up ^ Bunzl, Matti (2007). Anti-semitism and Islamophobia: hatreds old and new in Europe. Chicago: Prickly Paradigm Press. p. 13. ISBN 978-0-9761475-8-9. Retrieved 23 November 2011.
78.Jump up ^ Benbassa, Esther (2007). "Xenophobia, Anti-Semitism, and Racism". In Bunzl, Matti. Anti-Semitism and Islamophobia: Hatred Old and New in Europe (PDF). Chicago: Prickly Paradigm Press. p. 86f. ISBN 978-0-9761475-8-9. Retrieved 23 November 2011.
79.Jump up ^ Schiffer, S.; Wagner, C. (2011). "Anti-Semitism and Islamophobia - new enemies, old patterns". Race & Class 52 (3): 77. doi:10.1177/0306396810389927.
80.Jump up ^ Johnson; Soydan; Williams (1998) p. 182
81.Jump up ^ Johnson; Soydan; Williams (1998) p. xxii
82.Jump up ^ Edward W. Said, ‘Orientalism Reconsidered’ in Francis Barker, Peter Hulme, Margaret Iversen, Diana Loxley (eds), Literature, Politics, and Theory, Methuen & Co, London 1986 pp.210–229, pp.220f.
83.Jump up ^ Bryan Stanley Turner, introd. to Bryan S. Turner (ed.) Orientalism: Early Sources, (Vol 1, Readings in Orientalism), Routledge, London (2000) reprint 2002 p.12
84.Jump up ^ The resistible rise of Islamophobia - Anti-Muslim racism in the UK and Australia before 11 September 2001, Journal of Sociology March 2007 vol. 43 no. 1 61-86
85.Jump up ^ [Contemporary racism and Islamaphobia in Australia - Racializing religion], Ethnicities December 2007 vol. 7 no. 4 564-589
86.Jump up ^ Mark Townsend (14 April 2012). "Far-right anti-Muslim network on rise globally as Breivik trial opens". London: guardian.co.uk. Retrieved 15 April 2012.
87.Jump up ^ Mohamed Nimer (2011). John L. Esposito, ed. Islamophobia: The Challenge of Pluralism in the 21st Century. Oxford University Press. p. 76. ISBN 978-0199753642.
88.Jump up ^ Gabriele Marranci: "Multiculturalism, Islam and the clash of civilisations theory: rethinking Islamophobia", Culture and Religion: An Interdisciplinary Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 (2004), pp.105-117 (116f.)
89.Jump up ^ Poole, E. (2003) p. 217
90.Jump up ^ See Egorova; Tudor (2003) pp. 2–3, which cites the conclusions of Marquina and Rebolledo in: "A. Marquina, V. G. Rebolledo, ‘The Dialogue between the European Union and the Islamic World’ in Interreligious Dialogues: Christians, Jews, Muslims, Annals of the European Academy of Sciences and Arts, v. 24, no. 10, Austria, 2000, pp. 166–8. "
91.Jump up ^ Richardson, John E. (2004). (Mis)representing Islam: the racism and rhetoric of British broadsheet newspapers. John Benjamins Publishing Company. ISBN 90-272-2699-7.
92.Jump up ^ Richardson, J. E. (2009). "‘Get Shot of the Lot of Them’: Election Reporting of Muslims in British Newspapers." Patterns of Prejudice 43(3-4): 355-377.
93.Jump up ^ Mehdi Hasan (9 July 2009). "Know your enemy". New Statesman. Retrieved 2010-04-09.
94.Jump up ^ Obituary of Oriana Fallaci – The Guardian, 16 September 2006. "Controversial Italian journalist famed for her interviews and war reports but notorious for her Islamaphobia"
95.Jump up ^ Steve Rendall and Isabel Macdonald, Making Islamophobia Mainstream; How Muslim-bashers broadcast their bigotry, summary of Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting report, at its website, November/December 2008.
96.Jump up ^ Encyclopedia of Race and Ethnic studies, p. 218
97.Jump up ^ "OIC will launch channel to counter Islamophobia". Arab News. April 19, 2012. Retrieved January 9, 2013.
98.Jump up ^ Anti-Defamation League, "Backgrounder: Stop Islamization of America (SIOA)", Extremism, March 25, 2011 [August 26, 2010]. Retrieved February 16, 2012.
99.Jump up ^ Steinback, Robert (Summer 2011). "Jihad Against Islam". The Intelligence Report (142) (Southern Poverty Law Center). "Pamela Geller & Stop Islamization of America". Southern Poverty Law Center. Retrieved 27 June 2011.
100.Jump up ^ Siemaszko, Corky (February 25, 2011). "Southern Poverty Law Center lists anti-Islamic NYC blogger Pamela Geller, followers a hate group". New York Daily News.
101.Jump up ^ *Anti-Islamic ad claiming "it's not Islamophobia, it's Islamorealism" goes up in NY train stations, Associated Press, August 17, 2012. Note that Bryan Fischer, Director of Issues Analysis for the American Family Association also used the phrase "Islamo-realism" in the column Times Square another argument for restricting Muslim immigration, May 4, 2010.
102.Jump up ^ "Free-speech free-for-all". New York Post. Oct 6, 2012. Ashwaq Masood (Oct 4, 2012). "Pro-Muslim Subway Ads to Hang Near Anti-Jihad Ads". New York Times.
Jewish Council for Public Affairs. "JCPA Condemns Bigoted, Divisive, and Unhelpful Anti-Muslim Ads". JCPA. Retrieved September 21, 2012.
103.Jump up ^ "A shocking assumption". The New York Post. Sep 29, 2012.
104.Jump up ^ New anti-Muslim ads up in NYC subway stations, CBS News, January 9, 2013.
105.Jump up ^ Emily Anne Epstein, New Anti-Islam Ads to Debut This Month, Now With 25% More MTA Disclaimer, The New York Observer, December 7, 2012.
106.Jump up ^ Matt Flegenheimer (Dec 13, 2012). "Controversial Group Plans More Ads in Subway Stations". New York Times.
107.Jump up ^ Murtaza Hussain, Anti-Muslim violence spiraling out of control in America, Al-Jazeera, December 31, 2012.
108.Jump up ^ Wajahat Ali, Death by brown skin, Salon, December 31, 2012.
109.Jump up ^ Roland Imhoff. "Differentiating Islamophobia: Introducing a new scale to measure Islamoprejudice and Secular Islam Critique". Retrieved 18 March 2015.
110.Jump up ^ Haroon Siddique (8 Oct 2013). "Tommy Robinson quits EDL saying it has become 'too extreme'". The Guardian.
111.Jump up ^ Benn; Jawad (2004) p. 111
112.^ Jump up to: a b c Steven Vertovec, "Islamophobia and Muslim Recognition in Britain"; in Haddad (2002) pp. 32–33
113.Jump up ^ Naina Patel, Beth Humphries and Don Naik, "The 3 Rs in social work; Religion,‘race’ and racism in Europe", in Johnson; Soydan; Williams (1998) pp. 197–198
114.Jump up ^ Imam Dr Abduljalil Sajid. "Islamophobia: A new word for an old fear". Retrieved 2007-08-17.
115.^ Jump up to: a b "The next holocaust", New Statesman, 5 December 2005.
116.Jump up ^ Malik, Kenan. From Fatwa to Jihad. Atlantic Books, London (2009): pp. 131-32.
117.^ Jump up to: a b Malik (2009): p. 132
118.Jump up ^ "Poll: Americans Skeptical of Islam and Arabs", "ABC News", March 8, 2006.
119.Jump up ^ "Islamophobia Felt 5 Years after 9/11", Good Morning America, September 9, 2006.
120.Jump up ^ Kumar, Kumar (2012). Islamophobia and the Politics of Empire. Haymarket Books. p. 6. ISBN 978-1608462117.
121.Jump up ^ Fighting Islamophobia: A Response to Critics – Deepa Kumar, MRZine, February 2006
122.Jump up ^ [1] "Cover Story: Islamophobia as an Ideological Formation" Dawn, August 7, 2012
123.Jump up ^ "If the Sikh Temple Had Been a Mosque" Samuel G Freedman New York Times, August 10, 2012
124.Jump up ^ George Galloway (14 March 2010). "Sinister parallels of hatred". Morning Star. Retrieved 2010-04-04.
125.Jump up ^ "Britain divided by Islam, survey finds". The Daily Telegraph (London). 11 Jan 2010. Retrieved 2010-04-04.
126.Jump up ^ "EUMC presents reports on Discrimination and Islamophobia in the EU". "European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia media release". 2006-12-18.
127.^ Jump up to: a b c Allen, Chris and Nielsen, Jorgen S. "Summary report on Islamophobia in the EU after 11 September 2001", EUMC, May, 2002.
128.Jump up ^ EUMC website – Publications . Retrieved 2007-11-17.
129.Jump up ^ Roald, Anne Sophie (2004). New Muslims in the European Context: The Experience of Scandinavian Converts. Brill. p. 53. ISBN 90-04-13679-7.
130.Jump up ^ http://www.fasena.de/download/rechts/SIFCI.pdf
131.Jump up ^ "Conference Two: Combating Intolerance". Chancellery of the Government of Sweden. Retrieved 19 November 2011.[dead link]
132.Jump up ^ "OIC warns of exploiting Islamophobia phenomenon". Arab News. 13 November 2012. Retrieved 18 October 2013.
133.Jump up ^ Spruyt, B., & Elchardus, M.: "Are anti-Muslim feelings more widespread than anti-foreigner feelings? Evidence from two split-sample experiments.", Ethnicities, Advance online publication (2012), http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796812449707
134.Jump up ^ González, K. V., Verkuyten, M., Weesie, J., & Poppe, E.: "Prejudice Towards Muslims in The Netherlands: Testing Integrated Threat Theory", The British journal of social psychology, Vol. 47, No. 4 (2008), pp.667-685, http://dx.doi.org/10.1348/014466608X28444
135.Jump up ^ Savelkoul, M., Scheepers, P., Tolsma, J., & Hagendoorn, L.: "Anti-Muslim attitudes in the Netherlands: Tests of contradictory hypotheses derived from ethnic competition theory and intergroup contact theory.", European Sociological Review, Vol. 27, No. 6 (2010), pp.741-758, http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/esr/jcq035
136.Jump up ^ Schlueter, E., & Scheepers, P.: "The relationship between outgroup size and anti-outgroup attitudes: A theoretical synthesis and empirical test of group threat- and intergroup contact theory", Social Science Research, Vol. 39, No. 2 (2010), pp.285-295, http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ssresearch.2009.07.006
137.Jump up ^ Kunst, J. R., Tajamal, H., Sam, D. L., & Ulleberg, P. : "Coping with Islamophobia: The effects of religious stigma on Muslim minorities' identity formation.", International Journal of Intercultural Relations, Vol. 36, No. 4 (2012), pp.518-532, http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijintrel.2011.12.014
138.Jump up ^ Verkuyten, M., & Yildiz, A. A.: "National (dis)identification and ethnic and religious identity: A study among Turkish-Dutch Muslims.", Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, Vol. 33, No. 10 (2007), pp.1448–1462, http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0146167207304276
139.Jump up ^ Johnston, D., & Lordan, G.: "Discrimination makes me sick! An examination of the discrimination–health relationship", Journal of Health Economics, Vol. 31, No. 1 (2011), pp.99–111, http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jhealeco.2011.12.002
140.Jump up ^ "Wahhabism expansion in Russia leads to growth of Islamophobia - National Anti-Terrorist Committee". Rossiyskaya Gazeta. June 25, 2013.
141.Jump up ^ Daniel Kalder (8 Oct 2013). "Russian court bans Qur'an translation". Guardian.
142.Jump up ^ Husna Haq (Oct 9, 2013). "Russia blacklists translation of the Quran". Christian Science Monitor.
143.Jump up ^ "No change for the better: Georgia appears to have moved backwards under Bidzina Ivanishvili". The Economist. Oct 12, 2013.
144.Jump up ^ "Rising tide of Islamophobia engulfs Athens". Globe and Mail (Toronto). Jan 3, 2011.
145.Jump up ^ Ben McPartland (15 Feb 2013). "Islamophobia has been trivialized in France". The Local.
146.Jump up ^ Muslims In Western Europe After 9/11: Why the term Islamophobia is more a predicament than an explanation PDF
147.Jump up ^ Newsweek: New report exposes huge rise in racist crime in Europe
148.Jump up ^ Poole, E. (2003) p. 218. "The Runnymede Trust has been successful in that the term Islamophobia is now widely recognized and used, though many right-wing commentators reject its existence or argue that it is justified. However, now becoming a catch-all label for any harrassment involving Muslims, it should not be considered unproblematic."
149.Jump up ^ Jocelyne Cesari (December 15–16, 2006). "Muslims in Western Europe After 9/11:Why the term Islamophobia is more a predicament than an explanation" (PDF).
150.Jump up ^ Nawaz, Maajid. Radical. W.H. Allen, London: 2012: p. 109
151.Jump up ^ Ed Husain (7 July 2008). "Stop pandering to the Islamist extremists". London Evening Standard (London). Retrieved 24 October 2013.
152.Jump up ^ Rushdie, Salman (2012). Joseph Anton: A Memoir, pp. 344–346, Jonathan Cape. Quoted at cārvāka4india.com. Retrieved 18 February 2014.
153.Jump up ^ Jackson, Paul (2001). The EDL: Britain's 'New Far Right' Social Movement (PDF). RMN Publications, University of Northampton. pp. 10–11. Retrieved 28 June 2012.
154.Jump up ^ "Eli Göndör: Begreppet islamofobi bör bytas ut". Retrieved 18 March 2015.
155.Jump up ^ Bunzl 2007, Bravo Lopéz 2009
156.Jump up ^ Mohammad H. Tamdgidi "Beyond Islamophobia and Islamophilia as Western Epistemic Racisms: Revisiting Runnymede Trust's Definition in a World-History Context" Islamophobia Studies Journal, Vol. 1 No. 1, Spring 2012:p. 76
157.Jump up ^ "Writers issue cartoon row warning". BBC News. 1 March 2006. Retrieved 19 February 2014.
158.Jump up ^ Rushdie, Salman et al. (March 1, 2006). "Writers' statement on cartoons", BBC News. Retrieved 18 February 2014. "We refuse to renounce our critical spirit out of fear of being accused of "Islamophobia", a wretched concept that confuses criticism of Islam as a religion and stigmatisation of those who believe in it."
159.Jump up ^ Benn, Piers (31 May 2007). "On Islamophobia-phobia". rationalist.org.uk. (originally published in New Humanist in 2002). Retrieved 18 February 2014.
160.Jump up ^ Kimball, Roger. "After the suicide of the West" at the Wayback Machine (archived January 3, 2006), January 2006.
161.Jump up ^ Pascal Bruckner: The invention of Islamophobia, signandsight.com, 3 January 2011, retrieved 29 September 2012; originally published in French in Libération: L’invention de l’«islamophobie», 23 November 2010
162.Jump up ^ Sam Harris, "Lifting the Veil of 'Islamophobia' A Conversation with Ayaan Hirsi Ali", May 8, 2014.
163.Jump up ^ Harris, Sam (August 13, 2010). "What Obama Got Wrong About the Mosque". The Daily Beast.
164.Jump up ^ "Sam Harris: Bombing Our Illusions". Huffington Post. 10 October 2005. Retrieved July 5, 2010.
165.Jump up ^ Michael Walzer: Islamism and the Left Dissent, Winter 2015.
166.Jump up ^ Haslam, Nick (17 December 2008). "Bigots are just sick at heart". The Australian. Retrieved 15 January 2015.
167.Jump up ^ Kessler, Clive (11 January 2015). "Islamophobia: The Origins of the Specious". Quadrant. Retrieved 15 January 2015.
168.'Jump up to: ^ Goldberg, Jeffrey (16 January 2015). "French Prime Minister: 'I Refuse to Use This Term Islamophobia". The Atlantic. Retrieved 17 February 2015.
169.Jump up ^ Warren J. Blumenfeld (5 December 2012). "The Associated Press and Terms Like'Homophobia'". Huffington Post. Retrieved 6 June 2013.
170.Jump up ^ Dylan Byers (26 December 2012). "AP Nixes 'homophobia', 'ethnic cleansing'". Politico. Retrieved 5 June 2013.
Sources[edit]
Poole, E. (2003). "Islamophobia". In Cashmore, Ellis. Encyclopedia of Race and Ethnic Studies. Routledge. pp. 215–219. ISBN 978-0-415-44714-0.
Benn, T.; Jawad, H. (2004). Muslim Women in the United Kingdom and Beyond: Experiences and Images. Brill Publishers. ISBN 90-04-12581-7.
Egorova, Y.; Parfitt, T. (2003). Jews, Muslims, and Mass Media: Mediating the 'Other'. London: Routledge Curzon. ISBN 0-415-31839-4.
Haddad, Y. (2002). Muslims in the West: From Sojourners to Citizens. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-514805-3.
Johnson, M. R. D.; Soydan, H; Williams, C. (1998). Social Work and Minorities: European Perspectives. London; New York: Routledge. ISBN 0-415-16962-3.
R Miles and M Brown (2003). Racism. London; New York: Routledge. ISBN 0-415-29676-5.
Further reading[edit]
Allen, Chris (2011). Islamophobia. Ashgate Publishing Company.
Abbas, Tahir (2005). Muslim Britain: Communities Under Pressure. Zed. ISBN 978-1-84277-449-6.
van Driel, B. (2004). Confronting Islamophobia In Educational Practice. Trentham Books. ISBN 1-85856-340-2.
"Fear, Inc.: The Roots of the Islamophobia Network in America," Wajahat Ali, Eli Clifton, Matthew Duss, Lee Fang, Scott Keyes, and Faiz Shakir, accessed February 24, 2015.
"Fear, Inc. 2.0: The Islamophobia Network’s Efforts to Manufacture Hate in America," Matthew Duss, Yasmine Taeb, Ken Gude, and Ken Sofer, accessed February 24, 2015.
Gottschalk, P.; Greenberg, G. (2007). Islamophobia: Making Muslims the Enemy. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield publishers. ISBN 978-0-7425-5286-9.
Greaves, R. (2004). Islam and the West Post 9/11. Ashgate publishing Ltd. ISBN 0-7546-5005-7.
Kaplan, Jeffrey (2006). "Islamophobia in America?: September 11 and Islamophobic Hate Crime", Terrorism and Political Violence (Routledge), 18:1, 1–33.
Kincheloe, Joe L. and Shirley R. Steinberg (2004). The Miseducation of the West: How the Schools and Media Distort Our Understanding of Islam. Westport, Connecticut: Praeger Press. (Arabic Edition, 2005).
Konrad, Felix (2011). From the "Turkish Menace" to Exoticism and Orientalism: Islam as Antithesis of Europe (1453–1914)?, European History Online, Mainz: Institute of European History. Retrieved: June 22, 2011.
Kundnani, Arun. (2014) The Muslims Are Coming! Islamaphobia, Extremism, and the Domestic War on Terror (Verso; 2014) 327 pages
Pynting, Scott; Mason, Victoria (2007). "The Resistible Rise of Islamophobia: Anti-Muslim Racism in the UK and Australia before 11 September 2001". Journal of Sociology". The Australian Sociological Association 43 (1): 61–86.
Quraishi, M. (2005). Muslims and Crime: A Comparative Study. Ashgate Publishing. ISBN 0-7546-4233-X.
Ramadan, T. (2004). Western Muslims and the Future of Islam. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-517111-X.
Richardson, John E. (2004). (Mis)representing Islam: the racism and rhetoric of British broadsheet newspapers. John Benjamins Publishing Company. ISBN 90-272-2699-7.
Sheehi, Stephen (2011). Islamophobia: The Ideological Campaign Against Muslims. Clarity Press.
Shryock, Andrew, ed. (2010). Islamophobia/Islamophilia: Beyond the Politics of Enemy and Friend. Indiana University Press. pp. 250. Essays on Islamophobia past and present; topics include the "neo-Orientalism" of three Muslim commentators today: Ayaan Hirsi Ali, Reza Aslan, and Irshad Manji.
Tausch, Arno with Christian Bischof, Tomaz Kastrun and Karl Mueller (2007). Against Islamophobia: Muslim Communities, Social-Exclusion and the Lisbon Process in Europe. Hauppauge, N.Y.: Nova Science Publishers. ISBN 978-1-60021-535-3.
Tausch, Arno with Christian Bischof, and Karl Mueller (2008). Muslim Calvinism: Internal Security and the Lisbon Process in Europe. Purdue University Press. ISBN 978-905170995-7.
Tausch, Arno (2007). Against Islamophobia: Quantitative Analyses of Global Terrorism, World Political Cycles and Center Periphery Structures. Hauppauge, N.Y.: Nova Science Publishers. ISBN 978-1-60021-536-0.
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Islamophobia

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Islamophobia (or anti-Muslim sentiment) is a term for prejudice against, hatred towards, or fear of the religion of Islam or Muslims. The term entered into common English usage in 1997 with the publication of a report by the Runnymede Trust condemning negative emotions such as fear, hatred, and dread directed at Islam or Muslims. While the term is now widely used, both the term itself and the underlying concept have been criticized.
The causes and characteristics of Islamophobia are still debated. Some scholars have defined it as a type of racism. Some commentators have posited an increase in Islamophobia resulting from the September 11 attacks, while others have associated it with the increased presence of Muslims in the United States, the European Union and other secular nations.



Contents  [hide]
1 Etymology and definitions 1.1 Runnymede Trust
1.2 Debate on the term and its limitations
1.3 Fear
1.4 Racism
1.5 Proposed alternatives
2 Origins and causes 2.1 History of the term
2.2 Contrasting views on Islam
2.3 Identity politics
2.4 Links to ideologies
2.5 Multiculturalism
3 Allegations of Islamophobia 3.1 Media
3.2 Organisations
4 Trends 4.1 Reports by governmental organizations
4.2 Research on Islamophobia and its correlates
4.3 Geographic trends
5 Criticism of term and use 5.1 Academic and political debate
5.2 The Associated Press Stylebook
6 See also
7 References 7.1 Footnotes
7.2 Sources
8 Further reading
9 External links

Etymology and definitions[edit]
The word Islamophobia is a neologism[1] formed from Islam and -phobia, a suffix used in English to form "nouns with the sense ‘fear of ——’, ‘aversion to ——’."[2] The compound form Islamo- contains the thematic vowel -o-, and is found in earlier coinages such as Islamo-Christian from the 19th century.
According to the Oxford English Dictionary, the word means "Intense dislike or fear of Islam, esp. as a political force; hostility or prejudice towards Muslims" and is attested to in English as early as 1923.[3] Mattias Gardell defines Islamophobia as "socially reproduced prejudices and aversion to Islam and Muslims, as well as actions and practices that attack, exclude or discriminate against persons on the basis that they are or perceived to be Muslim and be associated with Islam".[4]
Runnymede Trust[edit]
In 1996, the Runnymede Trust established the Commission on British Muslims and Islamophobia, chaired by Gordon Conway, the vice-chancellor of the University of Sussex. The Commission's report, Islamophobia: A Challenge for Us All, was published in November 1997 by the Home Secretary, Jack Straw. In the Runnymede report, Islamophobia was defined as "an outlook or world-view involving an unfounded dread and dislike of Muslims, which results in practices of exclusion and discrimination."[5]
The report went on to state that Islamophobia is the "dread or hatred of Islam and therefore, [the] fear and dislike of all Muslims," which also includes discrimination against Muslims through their exclusion from the economic, social, and public life of the nation. The opinions that Islam has no values in common with other cultures, that it is inferior to Western cultures, and is a violent political ideology rather than a religion are also, according to the report, part of the concept of Islamophobia.[6]
The trust stated that Islamophobia should not be viewed as a single entity, but as a range of “Islamophobias”, each with its own distinctive features.[7] This conception of Islamophobia tries to capture its complexity and historical evolution over time.[8] It also argues that Islamophobia is not simply a fear of Islam, but part of a wider fear of Arab peoples.[8]
Debate on the term and its limitations[edit]
At a 2009 symposium on "Islamophobia and Religious Discrimination", Robin Richardson, a former director of the Runnymede Trust[9] and the editor of Islamophobia: a challenge for us all,[10] said that "the disadvantages of the term Islamophobia are significant" on seven different grounds, including that it implies it is merely a "severe mental illness" affecting "only a tiny minority of people"; that use of the term makes those to whom it is applied "defensive and defiant" and absolves the user of "the responsibility of trying to understand them" or trying to change their views; that it implies that hostility to Muslims is divorced from factors such as skin color, immigrant status, fear of fundamentalism, or political or economic conflicts; that it conflates prejudice against Muslims in one's own country with dislike of Muslims in countries with which the West is in conflict; that it fails to distinguish between people who are against all religion from people who dislike Islam specifically; and that the actual issue being described is hostility to Muslims, "an ethno-religious identity within European countries", rather than hostility to Islam. Nonetheless, he argued that the term is here to stay, and that it is important to define it precisely.[11]
The exact definition of Islamophobia continues to be discussed with academics such as Chris Allen saying it lacks a clear definition.[12] Johannes Kandel, in a 2006 comment wrote that Islamophobia "is a vague term which encompasses every conceivable actual and imagined act of hostility against Muslims", and proceeds to argue that five of the criteria put forward by The Runnymede trust are invalid.[13] In an article published in the June 2013 edition of Standpoint, Douglas Murray argued that "the term 'Islamophobia' is so inexact that - in so far as there is a definition - it includes insult of and even inquiry into any aspect of Islam, including Muslim scripture."[14] When discrimination towards Muslims placed an emphasis on their religious affiliation and adherence, it has been termed as Muslimphobia, its alternative form of Muslimophobia,[15] Islamophobism,[16] antimuslimness and antimuslimism.[17][18][19] Individuals who discriminate against Muslims in general have been termed Islamophobes, Islamophobists,[20] anti-Muslimists,[21] antimuslimists,[22] islamophobiacs,[23] anti-Muhammadan,[24] Muslimphobes or its alternative spelling of Muslimophobes,[25] while individuals motivated by a specific anti-Muslim agenda or bigotry have been described as being anti-mosque,[26] anti-Shiites.[27] (or Shiaphobes[28]), anti-Sufism[29] (or Sufi-phobia)[30] and anti-Sunni (or Sunniphobes).[31]
Fear[edit]
As opposed to being a psychological or individualistic phobia, according to professor of religion Peter Gottschalk and Gabriel Greenberg, "Islamophobia" connotes a social anxiety about Islam and Muslims.[32][33] Some social scientists have adopted this definition and developed instruments to measure Islamophobia in form of fearful attitudes towards, and avoidance of, Muslims and Islam,[34][35] arguing that Islamophobia should "essentially be understood as an affective part of social stigma towards Islam and Muslims, namely fear" (p. 2).[35]
Racism[edit]
Several scholars consider Islamophobia as a form of racism.[36] A 2007 article in Journal of Sociology defines Islamophobia as anti-Muslim racism and a continuation of anti-Asian and anti-Arab racism.[37] Similarly, John Denham has drawn parallels between modern Islamophobia and the antisemitism of the 1930s,[38] so have Maud Olofsson,[39] and Jan Hjärpe, among others.[36][40][41][42][43]
Others have questioned the supposed relationship between Islamophobia and racism. Jocelyne Cesari writes that "academics are still debating the legitimacy of the term and questioning how it differs from other terms such as racism, anti-Islamism, anti-Muslimness, and anti-Semitism."[44][45] Erdenir finds that "there is no consensus on the scope and content of the term and its relationship with concepts such as racism ...”[46] and Shryock, reviewing the use of the term across national boundaries, comes to the same conclusion.[47] On occasion race does come into play. Diane Frost defines Islamophobia as anti-Muslim feeling and violence based on "race" or religion.[48] Islamophobia may also target people who have Muslim names, or have a look that is associated with Muslims.[49] According to Alan Johnson, Islamophobia sometimes can be nothing more than xenophobia or racism "wrapped in religious terms."[50]
The European Commission against Racism and Intolerance (ECRI) defines Islamophobia as the fear of or prejudiced viewpoint towards Islam, Muslims and matters pertaining to them (ECRI 2006). Whether it takes the shape of daily forms of racism and discrimination or more violent forms, Islamophobia is a violation of human rights and a threat to social cohesion".[4] It has also been defined as "fear of Muslims and Islam; rejection of the Muslim religion; or a form of differentialist racism" (Helbling 2011).[4]
Proposed alternatives[edit]
The concept of Islamophobia as formulated by Runnymede was also criticized by professor Fred Halliday on several levels. He writes that the target of hostility in the modern era is not Islam and its tenets as much as it is Muslims, suggesting that a more accurate term would be "Anti-Muslimism." He also states that strains and types of prejudice against Islam and Muslims vary across different nations and cultures, which is not recognized in the Runnymede analysis, which was specifically about Muslims in Britain.[51] Poole responds that many Islamophobic discourses attack what they perceive to be Islam's tenets, while Miles and Brown write that Islamophobia is usually based upon negative stereotypes about Islam which are then translated into attacks on Muslims. They also argue that "the existence of different ‘Islamophobias’ does not invalidate the concept of Islamophobia any more than the existence of different racisms invalidates the concept of racism."[52][53]
In a 2011 paper in American Behavioral Scientist, Erik Bleich stated "there is no widely accepted definition of Islamophobia that permits systematic comparative and causal analysis",[54] and advances "indiscriminate negative attitudes or emotions directed at Islam or Muslims" as a possible solution to this issue.
In order to differentiate between prejudiced views of Islam and secularly motivated criticism of Islam, Roland Imhoff and Julia Recker formulated the concept "Islamoprejudice", which they subsequently operationalised in an experiment. The experiment showed that their definition provided a tool for accurate differentiation.[55]
Origins and causes[edit]
History of the term[edit]
One early use cited as the term's first use is by the painter Alphonse Étienne Dinet and Algerian intellectual Sliman ben Ibrahim in their 1918 biography of Islam's prophet Muhammad.[56][57] Writing in French, they used the term islamophobie. Robin Richardson writes that in the English version of the book the word was not translated as "Islamophobia" but rather as "feelings inimical to Islam". Dahou Ezzerhouni has cited several other uses in French as early as 1910, and from 1912 to 1918.[58] These early uses of the term did not, according to Christopher Allen, have the same meaning as in contemporary usage, as they described a fear of Islam by liberal Muslims and Muslim feminists, rather than a fear or dislike/hatred of Muslims by non-Muslims.[57][59] On the other hand, Fernando Bravo Lopez argues that Dinet and ibn Sliman's use of the term was as a criticism of overly hostile attitudes to Islam by a Belgian orientalist, Henri Lammens, whose project they saw as a "'pseudo-scientific crusade in the hope of bringing Islam down once and for all.'" He also notes that an early definition of Islamophobia appears in the Ph.D. thesis of Alain Quellien, a French colonial bureaucrat:

For some, the Muslim is the natural and irreconcilable enemy of the Christian and the European; Islam is the negation of civilization, and barbarism, bad faith and cruelty are the best one can expect from the Mohammedans.
Furthermore, he notes that Quellien's work draws heavily on the work of the French colonial department's 1902-06 administrator, who published a work in 1906, which to a great extent mirrors John Esposito's The Islamic Threat: Myth or Reality?.[60]
The first recorded use of the term in English, according to the Oxford English Dictionary, was in 1923 in an article in The Journal of Theological Studies.[3] The term entered into common usage with the publication of the Runnymede Trust's report in 1997.[61] Kofi Annan asserted at a 2004 conference entitled "Confronting Islamophobia" that the word Islamophobia had to be coined in order to "take account of increasingly widespread bigotry".[62]
Contrasting views on Islam[edit]
The Runnymede report contrasted "open" and "closed" views of Islam, and stated that the following eight "closed" views are equated with Islamophobia:
1.Islam is seen as a monolithic bloc, static and unresponsive to change.
2.It is seen as separate and "other." It does not have values in common with other cultures, is not affected by them and does not influence them.
3.It is seen as inferior to the West. It is seen as barbaric, irrational, primitive, and sexist.
4.It is seen as violent, aggressive, threatening, supportive of terrorism, and engaged in a clash of civilizations.
5.It is seen as a political ideology, used for political or military advantage.
6.Criticisms made of "the West" by Muslims are rejected out of hand.
7.Hostility towards Islam is used to justify discriminatory practices towards Muslims and exclusion of Muslims from mainstream society.
8.Anti-Muslim hostility is seen as natural and normal.[63]
These "closed" views are contrasted, in the report, with "open" views on Islam which, while founded on respect for Islam, permit legitimate disagreement, dialogue and critique.[64] According to Benn and Jawad, The Runnymede Trust notes that anti-Muslim discourse is increasingly seen as respectable, providing examples on how hostility towards Islam and Muslims is accepted as normal, even among those who may actively challenge other prevalent forms of discrimination.[65]
Identity politics[edit]
It has been suggested that Islamophobia is closely related to identity politics, and gives its adherents the perceived benefit of constructing their identity in opposition to a negative, essentialized image of Muslims. This occurs in the form of self-righteousness, assignment of blame and key identity markers.[66] Davina Bhandar writes that:[67]

[...] the term ‘cultural’ has become synonymous with the category of the ethnic or minority (...). It views culture as an entity that is highly abstracted from the practices of daily life and therefore represents the illusion that there exists a spirit of the people. This formulation leads to the homogenisation of cultural identity and the ascription of particular values and proclivities onto minority cultural groups.
She views this as an ontological trap that hinders the perception of culture as something "materially situated in the living practices of the everyday, situated in time-space and not based in abstract projections of what constitutes either a particular tradition or culture."
In some societies, Islamophobia has materialized due to the portrayal of Islam and Muslims as the national "Other", where exclusion and discrimination occurs on the basis of their religion and civilization which differs with national tradition and identity. Examples include Pakistani and Algerian migrants in Britain and France respectively.[68][69] This sentiment, according to Malcolm Brown and Robert Miles, significantly interacts with racism, although Islamophobia itself is not racism.[70] Author Doug Saunders has drawn parallels between Islamophobia in the United States and its older discrimination and hate against Roman Catholics, saying that Catholicism was seen as backwards and imperial, while Catholic immigrants had poorer education and some were responsible for crime and terrorism.[71][72][73][73][49]
Brown and Miles write that another feature of Islamophobic discourse is to amalgamate nationality (e.g. Arab), religion (Islam), and politics (terrorism, fundamentalism) — while most other religions are not associated with terrorism, or even "ethnic or national distinctiveness."[69] They feel that "many of the stereotypes and misinformation that contribute to the articulation of Islamophobia are rooted in a particular perception of Islam", such as the notion that Islam promotes terrorism — especially prevalent after the September 11, 2001 attacks.[74]
The two-way stereotyping resulting from Islamophobia has in some instances resulted in mainstreaming of earlier controversial discourses, such as liberal attitudes towards gender equality[66][67] and homosexuals.[75] Christina Ho has warned against framing of such mainstreaming of gender equality in a colonial, paternal discourse, arguing that this may undermine minority women's ability to speak out about their concerns.[76]
Links to ideologies[edit]
Senior scientist at the Norwegian Center for Studies of Holocaust and Religious Minorities, Cora Alexa Døving, argues that there are significant similarities between Islamophobic discourse and European pre-Nazi antisemitism.[66] Among the concerns are imagined threats of minority growth and domination, threats to traditional institutions and customs, skepticism of integration, threats to secularism, fears of sexual crimes, fears of misogyny, fears based on historical cultural inferiority, hostility to modern Western Enlightenment values, etc.
Matti Bunzl has argued that there are important differences between Islamophobia and antisemitism. While antisemitism was a phenomenon closely connected to European nation-building processes, he sees Islamophobia as having the concern of European civilization as its focal point.[77] Døving, on the other hand, maintains that, at least in Norway, the Islamophobic discourse has a clear national element.[66] In a reply to Bunzl, French scholar of Jewish history, Esther Benbassa, agrees with him in that he draws a clear connection between modern hostile and essentializing sentiments towards Muslims and historical antisemitism. However, she argues against the use of the term Islamophobia, since, in her opinion, it attracts unwarranted attention to an underlying racist current.[78]
The head of the Media Responsibility Institute in Erlangen, Sabine Schiffer, and researcher Constantin Wagner, who also define Islamophobia as anti-Muslim racism, outline additional similarities and differences between Islamophobia and antisemitism.[79] They point out the existence of equivalent notions such as "Judaisation/Islamisation", and metaphors such as "a state within a state" are used in relation to both Jews and Muslims. In addition, both discourses make use of, among other rhetorical instruments, "religious imperatives" supposedly "proven" by religious sources, and conspiracy theories.
The differences between Islamophobia and antisemitism consist of the nature of the perceived threats to the "Christian West". Muslims are perceived as "inferior" and as a visible "external threat", while on the other hand, Jews are perceived as "omnipotent" and as an invisible "internal threat". However, Schiffer and Wagner also note that there is a growing tendency to view Muslims as a privileged group that constitute an "internal threat", and that this convergence between the two discources makes "it more and more necessary to use findings from the study of anti-Semitism to analyse Islamophobia". Schiffer and Wagner conclude,

The achievement in the study of anti-Semitism of examining Jewry and anti-Semitism separately must also be transferred to other racisms, such as Islamophobia. We do not need more information about Islam, but more information about the making of racist stereotypes in general.
The publication Social Work and Minorities: European Perspectives describes Islamophobia as the new form of racism in Europe,[80] arguing that "Islamophobia is as much a form of racism as anti-semitism, a term more commonly encountered in Europe as a sibling of racism, xenophobia and Intolerance."[81] Edward Said considers Islamophobia as it is evinced in Orientalism to be a trend in a more general antisemitic Western tradition.[82][83] Other note that there have been a transition from anti-Asian and anti-Arab racism to anti-Muslim racism,[84] while some note a racialization of religion.[85]
According to a 2012 report by a UK anti-racism group, counter-jihadist outfits in Europe and North America are becoming more cohesive by forging alliances, with 190 groups now identified as promoting an Islamophobic agenda.[86] In Islamophobia and its consequences on young people (p. 6) Ingrid Ramberg writes "Whether it takes the shape of daily forms of racism and discrimination or more violent forms, Islamophobia is a violation of human rights and a threat to social cohesion.". Professor John Esposito of Georgetown University calls Islamophobia "the new anti-Semitism".[40]
Mohamed Nimer compares Islamophobia with anti-Americanism. He argues that while both Islam and America can be subject to legitimate criticisms without detesting a people as a whole, bigotry against both are on the rise.[87]
Multiculturalism[edit]
According to Gabrielle Maranci, the increasing Islamophobia in the West is related to a rising repudiation of multiculturalism. Islam is widely regarded as the most resistant culture against Western, democratic values and its Judaeo-Christian heritage. Maranci concludes that "Islamophobia is a ‘phobia’ of multiculturalism and the transruptive effect that Islam can have in Europe and the West through transcultural processes."[88]
Allegations of Islamophobia[edit]
Media[edit]
Main article: Islamophobia in the media



 An American protester self-identifying as Islamophobic.
According to Elizabeth Poole in the Encyclopedia of Race and Ethnic Studies, the media has been criticized for perpetrating Islamophobia. She cites a case study examining a sample of articles in the British press from between 1994 and 2004, which concluded that Muslim viewpoints were underrepresented and that issues involving Muslims usually depicted them in a negative light. Such portrayals, according to Poole, include the depiction of Islam and Muslims as a threat to Western security and values.[89] Benn and Jawad write that hostility towards Islam and Muslims are "closely linked to media portrayals of Islam as barbaric, irrational, primitive and sexist."[65] Egorova and Tudor cite European researchers in suggesting that expressions used in the media such as "Islamic terrorism", "Islamic bombs" and "violent Islam" have resulted in a negative perception of Islam.[90] John E. Richardson's 2004 book (Mis)representing Islam: the racism and rhetoric of British broadsheet newspapers, criticized the British media for propagating negative stereotypes of Muslims and fueling anti-Muslim prejudice.[91] In another study conducted by John E. Richardson, he found that 85% of mainstream newspaper articles treated Muslims as a homogeneous mass who were imagined as a threat to British society.[92]
In 2009 Mehdi Hasan in the New Statesman criticized Western media for over-reporting a few Islamist terrorist incidents but under-reporting the much larger number of planned non-Islamist terrorist attacks carried out by "non-Irish white folks".[93] A 2012 study indicates that Muslims across different European countries, such as France, Germany and the United Kingdom, experience the highest degree of Islamophobia in the media.[35]
Media personalities have been accused of Islamophobia. The obituary in The Guardian for the Italian journalist Oriana Fallaci described her as "notorious for her Islamaphobia" [sic].[94]
Some media outlets are working explicitly against Islamophobia. In 2008 Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting ("FAIR") published a study "Smearcasting, How Islamophobes Spread Bigotry, Fear and Misinformation." The report cites several instances where mainstream or close to mainstream journalists, authors and academics have made analyses that essentialize negative traits as an inherent part of Muslims' moral makeup.[95] FAIR also established the "Forum Against Islamophobia and Racism", designed to monitor coverage in the media and establish dialogue with media organizations. Following the attacks of September 11, 2001, the Islamic Society of Britain's "Islam Awareness Week" and the "Best of British Islam Festival" were introduced to improve community relations and raise awareness about Islam.[96] In 2012 the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation stated that they will launch a TV channel to counter Islamophobia.[97]
Organisations[edit]



 An English Defence League demonstration. The placard reads Shut down the mosque command and control centre.
Stop Islamization of America (SIOA) and the Freedom Defense Initiative are designated as hate groups by the Anti-Defamation League[98] and the Southern Poverty Law Center.[99][100] In August 2012 SIOA generated media publicity by sponsoring billboards in New York subway stations claiming there had been 19,250 terrorist attacks by Muslims since 9/11 and stating "it's not Islamophobia, it's Islamorealism."[101] It later ran advertisements reading "In any war between the civilized man and the savage, support the civilized man. Support Israel. Defeat Jihad." Several groups condemned the advertisements as "hate speech" about all Muslims[102] while others defended the ad as a narrow criticism of violent jihad.[103] In early January 2013 the Freedom Defense Initiative put up advertisements next to 228 clocks in 39 New York subway stations showing the 2001 attacks on the World Trade Center with a quote attributed to the Quran: “Soon shall we cast terror into the hearts of the unbelievers.”[104] The New York City Transit Authority, which said it would have to carry the advertisements on First Amendment grounds, insisted that 25% of the ad contain a Transit Authority disclaimer.[105][106] These advertisements also were criticized.[107][108]
The English Defence League (EDL), an organization in the United Kingdom, has been described as anti-Muslim. It was formed in 2009 to oppose what it considers to be a spread of Islamism, Sharia law and Islamic extremism in the UK.[109] The EDL’s former leader, Tommy Robinson, left the group in 2013 after admitting that he could not control anti-Muslim extremism within its membership.[110]
Trends[edit]
Islamophobia has become a topic of increasing sociological and political importance.[69] According to Benn and Jawad, Islamophobia has increased since Ayatollah Khomeini's fatwa inciting Muslims to attempt to murder Salman Rushdie, the author of The Satanic Verses and the September 11 attacks.[111] Anthropologist Steven Vertovec writes that the purported growth in Islamophobia may be associated with increased Muslim presence in society and successes.[112] He suggests a circular model, where increased hostility towards Islam and Muslims results in governmental countermeasures such as institutional guidelines and changes to legislation, which itself may fuel further Islamophobia due to increased accommodation for Muslims in public life. Vertovec concludes: "As the public sphere shifts to provide a more prominent place for Muslims, Islamophobic tendencies may amplify."[112]



 A mannequin symbolizing a Muslim in a keffiyeh, strapped to a "Made in the USA" bomb display at a protest of Park51 in New York City.
Patel, Humphries, and Naik claim that "Islamophobia has always been present in Western countries and cultures. In the last two decades, it has become accentuated, explicit and extreme."[113] However, Vertovec states that some have observed that Islamophobia has not necessarily escalated in the past decades, but that there has been increased public scrutiny of it.[112] According to Abduljalil Sajid, one of the members of the Runnymede Trust's Commission on British Muslims and Islamophobia, "Islamophobias" have existed in varying strains throughout history, with each version possessing its own distinct features as well as similarities or adaptations from others.[114]
In December 2005 Ziauddin Sardar, an Islamic scholar, wrote in the New Statesman that Islamophobia is a widespread European phenomenon.[115] He noted that each country has anti-Muslim political figures, citing Jean-Marie Le Pen in France; Pim Fortuyn in the Netherlands; and Philippe van der Sande of Vlaams Blok, a Flemish nationalist party in Belgium. Sardar argued that Europe is "post-colonial, but ambivalent." Minorities are regarded as acceptable as an underclass of menial workers, but if they want to be upwardly mobile anti-Muslim prejudice rises to the surface. Wolfram Richter, professor of economics at Dortmund University of Technology, told Sardar: "I am afraid we have not learned from our history. My main fear is that what we did to Jews we may now do to Muslims. The next holocaust would be against Muslims."[115] Similar fears, as noted by Kenan Malik in his book From Fatwa to Jihad, had been previously expressed in the UK by Muslim philosopher Shabbir Akhtar in 1989, and Massoud Shadjareh, chair of the Islamic Human Rights Commission in 2000. In 2006 Salma Yaqoob, a Respect Party Councillor, claimed that Muslims in Britain were "subject to attacks reminiscent of the gathering storm of anti-Semitism in the first decades of the last century.".[116] Malik, a senior visiting fellow in the Department of Political, International and Policy Studies at the University of Surrey, has described these claims of a brewing holocaust as "hysterical to the point of delusion"; whereas Jews in Hitler's Germany were given the official designation of Untermenschen, and were subject to escalating legislation which diminished and ultimately removed their rights as citizens, Malik noted that in cases where "Muslims are singled out in Britain, it is often for privileged treatment" such as the 2005 legislation banning "incitement to religious hatred", the special funding Muslim organizations and bodies receive from local and national government, the special provisions made by workplaces, school and leisure centres for Muslims, and even suggestions by the Archbishop of Canterbury Rowan Williams and the former Lord Chief Justice, Lord Phillips, that sharia law should be introduced into Britain.[117] The fact is, wrote Malik, that such well-respected public figures as Akhtar, Shadjareh and Yaqoob need "a history lesson about the real Holocaust reveals how warped the Muslim grievance culture has become."[117]
In 2006 ABC News reported that "[p]ublic views of Islam are one casualty of the post-Sept. 11, 2001 conflict: Nearly six in 10 Americans think the religion is prone to violent extremism, nearly half regard it unfavorably, and a remarkable one in four admits to prejudicial feelings against Muslims and Arabs alike." They also report that 27 percent of Americans admit feelings of prejudice against Muslims.[118] Gallup polls in 2006 found that 40 percent of Americans admit to prejudice against Muslims, and 39 percent believe Muslims should carry special identification.[119] Associate Professor Deepa Kumar writes that "Islamophobia is about politics rather than religion per se"[120] and that modern-day demonization of Arabs and Muslims by US politicians and others is racist and Islamophobic, and employed in support of what she describes as an unjust war. About the public impact of this rhetoric, she says that "One of the consequences of the relentless attacks on Islam and Muslims by politicians and the media is that Islamophobic sentiment is on the rise." She also chides some "people on the left" for using the same "Islamophobic logic as the Bush regime".[121] In this regards, Kumar confirms the assertions of Stephen Sheehi, who "conceptualises Islamophobia as an ideological formation within the context of the American empire. Doing so “allows us to remove it from the hands of ‘culture’ or from the myth of a single creator or progenitor, whether it be a person, organisation or community.” An ideological formation, in this telling, is a constellation of networks that produce, proliferate, benefit from, and traffic in Islamophobic discourses."[122]
The writer and scholar on religion Reza Aslan has said that "Islamophobia has become so mainstream in this country that Americans have been trained to expect violence against Muslims — not excuse it, but expect it"[123]
A January 2010 British Social Attitudes Survey found that the British public "is far more likely to hold negative views of Muslims than of any other religious group,"[124] with "just one in four" feeling "positively about Islam," and a "majority of the country would be concerned if a mosque was built in their area, while only 15 per cent expressed similar qualms about the opening of a church."[125]
Reports by governmental organizations[edit]
The largest project monitoring Islamophobia was undertaken following 9/11 by the EU watchdog, European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia (EUMC). Their May 2002 report "Summary report on Islamophobia in the EU after 11 September 2001", written by Chris Allen and Jorgen S. Nielsen of the University of Birmingham, was based on 75 reports — 15 from each EU member nation.[126][127] The report highlighted the regularity with which ordinary Muslims became targets for abusive and sometimes violent retaliatory attacks after 9/11. Despite localized differences within each member nation, the recurrence of attacks on recognizable and visible traits of Islam and Muslims was the report's most significant finding. Incidents consisted of verbal abuse, blaming all Muslims for terrorism, forcibly removing women's hijabs, spitting on Muslims, calling children "Osama", and random assaults. A number of Muslims were hospitalized and in one instance paralyzed.[127] The report also discussed the portrayal of Muslims in the media. Inherent negativity, stereotypical images, fantastical representations, and exaggerated caricatures were all identified. The report concluded that "a greater receptivity towards anti-Muslim and other xenophobic ideas and sentiments has, and may well continue, to become more tolerated."[127]
The EUMC has since released a number of publications related to Islamophobia, including The Fight against Antisemitism and Islamophobia: Bringing Communities together (European Round Tables Meetings) (2003) and Muslims in the European Union: Discrimination and Islamophobia (2006).[128]
Professor in History of Religion, Anne Sophie Roald, states that Islamophobia was recognized as a form of intolerance alongside xenophobia and antisemitism at the "Stockholm International Forum on Combating Intolerance",[129] held in January 2001.[130] The conference, attended by UN Secretary General Kofi Annan, High Commissioner for Human Rights Mary Robinson, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe Secretary General Ján Kubis and representatives of the European Union and Council of Europe, adopted a declaration to combat "genocide, ethnic cleansing, racism, antisemitism, Islamophobia and xenophobia, and to combat all forms of racial discrimination and intolerance related to it." [131]
The Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, in its 5th report to Islamophobia Observatory of 2012, found an "institutionalization and legitimization of the phenomenon of Islamophobia" in the West over the previous five years.[132]
Research on Islamophobia and its correlates[edit]
Various studies have been conducted to investigate Islamophobia and its correlates among majority populations and among Muslim minorities themselves. To start with, an experimental study showed that anti-Muslim attitudes may be stronger than more general xenophobic attitudes.[133] Moreover, studies indicate that anti-Muslim prejudice among majority populations is primarily explained by the perception of Muslims as a cultural threat, rather than as a threat towards the respective nation's economy.[134][135][136]
Studies focusing on the experience of Islamophobia among Muslims have shown that the experience of religious discrimination is associated with lower national identification and higher religious identification.[137][138] In other words, religious discrimination seems to lead Muslims to increase their identification with their religion and to decrease their identification with their nation of residence. Some studies further indicate that societal Islamophobia negatively influences Muslim minorities' health.[35][139] One of the studies showed that the perception of an Islamophobic society is associated with more psychological problems, such as depression and nervousness, regardless whether the respective individual had personally experienced religious discrimination.[35] As the authors of the study suggest, anti-discrimination laws may therefore be insufficient to fully protect Muslim minorities from an environment which is hostile towards their religious group.
Geographic trends[edit]
An increase of Islamophobia in Russia follows the growing influence of the strongly conservative sect of Wahhabism, according to Nikolai Sintsov of the National Anti-Terrorist Committee.[140] Various translations of the Qur'an have been banned by the Russian government for promoting extremism and Muslim supremacy.[141][142] Anti-Muslim rhetoric is on the rise in Georgia.[143] In Greece, Islamophobia accompanies anti-immigrant sentiment, as immigrants are now 15% of the country's population and 90% of the EU’s illegal entries are through Greece.[144] In France Islamophobia is tied, in part, to the nation's long-standing tradition of secularism.[145] In Burma the 969 Movement has been accused of events such as the 2012 Rakhine State riots.
Jocelyne Cesari, in her study of discrimination against Muslims in Europe,[146] finds that anti-Islamic sentiment is almost impossible to separate from other drivers of discrimination. Because Muslims are mainly from immigrant backgrounds and the largest group of immigrants (in the UK, France, Germany, Spain, and the Netherlands) xenophobia overlaps with Islamophobia. This differs from the American situation where Hispanic immigrants dominate. Classism is another overlapping factor in some nations. Muslims have lower income and poorer education in France, Spain, Germany, and the Netherlands while Muslims in the US have higher income and education than the general population. In the UK, Islam is seen as a threat to secularism in response to the calls by some Muslims for blasphemy laws. In the Netherlands, Islam is seen as a socially conservative force that threatens gender equality and the acceptance of homosexuality.
The European Network Against Racism (ENAR) reports that Islamophobic crimes are on the increase in France, England and Wales. In Sweden crimes with an Islamophobic motive increased by 69% from 2009 to 2013.[147]
Criticism of term and use[edit]



 British novelist Salman Rushdie, a former Muslim, ridiculed the term 'Islamophobia'.
Although the term is widely recognized and used,[148] the use of the term, its construction and the concept itself have been widely criticized. Roland Imhoff and Julia Recker, in an article that puts forward the term "Islamoprejudice" as a better alternative, write that "... few concepts have been debated as heatedly over the last ten years as the term Islamophobia."[55] Jocelyne Cesari reported widespread challenges in the use and meaning of the term in 2006.[59][149]
Writing in 2008 Ed Husain, a former member of Hizb ut-Tahrir and co-founder of Quilliam,[150] said that under pressure from Islamist extremists, "'Islamophobia' has become accepted as a phenomenon on a par with racism", claiming that "Outside a few flashpoints where the BNP is at work, most Muslims would be hard-pressed to identify Islamophobia in their lives".[151]
Salman Rushdie criticized the coinage of the word 'Islamophobia' saying that it "was an addition to the vocabulary of Humpty Dumpty Newspeak. It took the language of analysis, reason and dispute, and stood it on its head".[152]
Academic and political debate[edit]
Paul Jackson, in a critical study of the anti-Islamic English Defence League, argues that the term Islamophobia creates a stereotype where “any criticism of Muslim societies [can be] dismissed ...” The term feeds “a language of polarised polemics ... to close down discussion on genuine areas of criticism ...” Consequently, the term is “losing much [of its] analytical value".[153]
Professor Eli Göndör wrote that the term Islamophobia should be replaced with "Muslimophobia".[154] As Islamophobia is "a rejection of a population on the grounds of Muslimness", other researches suggest "Muslimism".[155]
Professor Mohammad H. Tamdgidi of the University of Massachusetts, Boston, has generally endorsed the definition of Islamophobia as defined by the Runnymede Trust's Islamophobia: A Challenge for Us All. However, he notes that the report's list of "open" views of Islam itself presents "an inadvertent definitional framework for Islamophilia": that is, it "falls in the trap of regarding Islam monolithically, in turn as being characterized by one or another trait, and does not adequately express the complex heterogeneity of a historical phenomenon whose contradictory interpretations, traditions, and sociopolitical trends have been shaped and has in turn been shaped, as in the case of any world tradition, by other world-historical forces."[156]
Other critics argue that the term conflates criticism of "Islamic totalitarianism" with hatred of Muslims. In the wake of the Jyllands-Posten Muhammad cartoons controversy, a group of 12 writers, including novelist Salman Rushdie, signed a manifesto entitled Together facing the new totalitarianism in the French weekly satirical newspaper Charlie Hebdo, warning against the use of the term Islamophobia to prevent criticism of "Islamic totalitarianism".[157][158] Writing in the New Humanist, philosopher Piers Benn suggests that people who fear the rise of Islamophobia foster an environment "not intellectually or morally healthy", to the point that what he calls "Islamophobia-phobia" can undermine "critical scrutiny of Islam as somehow impolite, or ignorant of the religion's true nature."[159]
Alan Posener and Alan Johnson have written that, while the idea of Islamophobia is sometimes misused, those who claim that hatred of Muslims is justified as opposition to Islamism actually undermine the struggle against Islamism.[50] Roger Kimball argues that the word “Islamophobia” is inherently a prohibition or fear of criticizing of radical Islam.[160] According to Pascal Bruckner, the term was invented by Iranian fundamentalists in the late 1970s analogous to "xenophobia" in order to denounce as racism what he feels is legitimate criticism of Islam.[161] The author Sam Harris, while denouncing bigotry, racism, and prejudice against Muslims or Arabs, rejects the term, Islamophobia,[162] as an invented psychological disorder, and states criticizing those Islamic beliefs and practices he believes pose a threat to civil society is not a form of bigotry or racism.[163] Harris himself says that Islam is in urgent need of reformation by Muslims as its doctrines as they stand are antiquated and, if armed with modern technology, uniquely dangerous to civilization.[164] Philosopher Michael Walzer says that fear of religious militancy is not phobia, and compares fear of radical Islam with the fear Muslims and Jews could feel towards Christians during the crusades.[165]
In Australia, a Professor of Psychology from the University of Melbourne and a Professor of Sociology from the University of New South Wales have said that the term Islamophobia is used to dismiss opinions people dislike, by invalidating the people who hold those opinions.[166][167] French Prime Minister Manuel Valls said in January 2015 following the Charlie Hebdo shooting “It is very important to make clear to people that Islam has nothing to do with ISIS. There is a prejudice in society about this, but on the other hand, I refuse to use this term 'Islamophobia,' because those who use this word are trying to invalidate any criticism at all of Islamist ideology. The charge of 'Islamophobia' is used to silence people”.[168]
The Associated Press Stylebook[edit]
In December 2012, media sources reported that the terms "homophobia" and "Islamophobia" would no longer be included in the AP Stylebook, and Deputy Standards Editor Dave Minthorn expressed concern about the usage of the terms, describing them as "just off the mark" and saying that they seem "inaccurate". Minthorn stated that AP decided that the terms should not be used in articles with political or social contexts because they imply an understanding of the mental state of another individual. The terms no longer appears on the online stylebook, and Minthorn believes journalists should employ more precise phrases to avoid "ascribing a mental disability to someone".[169][170]
See also[edit]

Portal icon Discrimination portal
Portal icon Islam portal
Persecution of Muslims
Religious intolerance
Religious persecution
Anti-Christian sentiment Anti-Catholicism
Anti-Protestantism
Antisemitism
Persecution of Bahá'ís
Islamophobia in the media
References[edit]
Footnotes[edit]
1.Jump up ^ Roland Imhoff & Julia Recker (University of Bonn). "Differentiating Islamophobia: Introducing a new scale to measure Islamoprejudice and Secular Islam Critique". Retrieved 2013-09-19.
2.Jump up ^ "Oxford English Dictionary: -phobia, comb. form". Oxford University Press.(subscription required)
3.^ Jump up to: a b "Oxford English Dictionary: Islamophobia". Oxford University Press.(subscription required)
4.^ Jump up to: a b c "Islamofobi – definitioner och uttryck". Forum för levande historia. Retrieved 18 March 2015.
5.Jump up ^ Encyclopedia of Race and Ethics, p. 215
6.Jump up ^ Runnymede 1997, p. 5, cited in Quraishi 2005, p. 60.
7.Jump up ^ Garner, Steve and Saher Selod "The Racialization of Muslims: Empirical Studies of Islamophobia."] Critical Sociology 41.1 p. 11
8.^ Jump up to: a b Garner, Steve and Saher Selod "The Racialization of Muslims: Empirical Studies of Islamophobia."] Critical Sociology 41.1
9.Jump up ^ "Runnymede Trust - Ranimed, Runnymede and a Long Report". Retrieved 18 March 2015.
10.Jump up ^ http://www.mcb.org.uk/article_detail.php?article=announcement-862
11.Jump up ^ Richardson, Robin (December 2009). "Islamophobia or anti-muslim racism – or what?" PDF (119 KB), Insted website. Accessed December 30, 2011.
12.Jump up ^ * Allen, Chris (2010). Islamophobia. Ashgate. p. 21. ISBN 978-0754651390. Bleich, Erik (December 2011). "What Is Islamophobia and How Much Is There? Theorizing and Measuring an Emerging Comparative Concept". American Behavioral Scientist 55 (12): 1581–1600. doi:10.1177/0002764211409387. Cesari, Jocelyne (1 June 2006). Muslims In Western Europe After 9/11: Why the term Islamophobia is more a predicament than an explanation PDF (118 KB), Euro-Islam.Info: p. 5
Imhoff, Roland & Recker, Julia; Recker (December 2012). "Differentiating Islamophobia:Introducing a new scale to measure Islamoprejudice and Secular Islam Critique". Political Psychology 33 (6): 811–824. doi:10.1111/j.1467-9221.2012.00911.x.Andrew Shryock, ed. (2010). Islamophobia/Islamophilia: Beyond the Politics of Enemy and Friend. Indiana University Press. p. 6. ISBN 978-0-253-22199-5. Burak Erdenir (2010). Anna Triandafyllidou, ed. Muslims in 21st Century Europe: Structural and Cultural Perspectives. Routledge. p. 28. ISBN 978-0415497091.
13.Jump up ^ Kandel, Johannes (August 2006). Islamophobia – On the Career of a Controversial Term PDF (118 KB), Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung
14.Jump up ^ Douglas Murray "Forget 'Islamophobia'. Let's tackle Islamism" Standpoint, June 2013, Issue 53: p. 34
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28.Jump up ^ 2013, Glen Perry, The International Relations of the Contemporary Middle East, p 161
29.Jump up ^ Toyin Falola - 2001, Violence in Nigeria: The Crisis of Religious Politics and Secular Ideologies, page 240, "Anti-Sufism itself is therefore a marker of identity, and the formation of the Izala proves this beyond any reasonable doubt".
30.Jump up ^ Colonialism and Revolution in the Middle East, page 197, Juan Ricardo Cole - 1999, "Ironically, the Sufi-phobia of the British consuls in the aftermath of 1857 led them to look in the wrong places for urban disturbances in the 1860s."
31.Jump up ^ 2005, Ahmed Hashim, Insurgency and Counter-insurgency in Iraq, Cornell University Press (2006), ISBN 9780801444524
32.Jump up ^ Corrina Balash Kerr (2007-11-20). "Faculty, Alumnus Discuss Concept of "Islamophobia" in Co-Authored Book". Wesleyan University Newsletter. Retrieved 2007-12-29.
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The most important such form of cultural racism today is anti-Muslim racism, sometimes called Islamophobia.
Nathan Lean (2012). The Islamophobia Industry: How the Right Manufactures Fear of Muslims. Pluto Press. ISBN 978-0745332543.
“Biological racist discourses have now been replaced by what is called the ‘new racism’ or ‘cultural racist’ discourses.”
A sociological comparison of anti-Semitism and anti-Muslim sentiment in Britain, Nasar Meer, Tehseen Noorani The Sociological Review, Volume 56, Issue 2, pages 195–219, May 2008
Across Europe activists and certain academics are struggling to get across an understanding in their governments and their countries at large that anti-Muslim racism/Islamophobia is now one of the most pernicious forms of contemporary racism and that steps should be taken to combat it.
"GET OFF YOUR KNEES", Journalism Studies, Volume 7, Issue 1, 2006, pages 35-59
Anti-Semitism and Islamophobia - new enemies, old patterns
Fighting anti-Muslim racism: an interview with A. Sivanandan
Differentiating Islamophobia: Introducing a new scale to measure Islamoprejudice and Secular Islam Critique
Thus, Islamophobia is characterized as neologism for racism
Darkmatter: Racism and Islamophobia
Racism, however, did not and does not depend on the actual existence of races. In the last fifty years the two communities in Europe which have been subjugated to some of the most intense forms of racist genocidal violence were the German Jews and the Bosnian Muslims.
Huffington Post: Yes, Virginia, Islamophobia Is Racism
IHRC: Is Islamophobia a form of racism
Grosfoguel concludes that Islamophobia is a form of racism in Europe. /../ This racism encompasses religion, culture, race and white supremacy of knowledge.

37.Jump up ^ Poynting, S.; Mason, V. (2007). "The resistible rise of Islamophobia: Anti-Muslim racism in the UK and Australia before 11 September 2001". Journal of Sociology 43: 61. doi:10.1177/1440783307073935.
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45.Jump up ^ John L. Esposito, ed. (2011). Islamophobia: The Challenge of Pluralism in the 21st Century. Oxford University Press. p. 21. ISBN 978-0199753642.
46.Jump up ^ Anna Triandafyllidou, ed. (2010). Muslims in 21st Century Europe: Structural and Cultural Perspectives. Routledge. p. 28. ISBN 978-0415497091.
47.Jump up ^ Andrew Shryock, ed. (2010). Islamophobia/Islamophilia: Beyond the Politics of Enemy and Friend. Indiana University Press. pp. 6–25. ISBN 978-0253221995.
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The rise of anti-Muslim racism in Australia: who benefits?
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100.Jump up ^ Siemaszko, Corky (February 25, 2011). "Southern Poverty Law Center lists anti-Islamic NYC blogger Pamela Geller, followers a hate group". New York Daily News.
101.Jump up ^ *Anti-Islamic ad claiming "it's not Islamophobia, it's Islamorealism" goes up in NY train stations, Associated Press, August 17, 2012. Note that Bryan Fischer, Director of Issues Analysis for the American Family Association also used the phrase "Islamo-realism" in the column Times Square another argument for restricting Muslim immigration, May 4, 2010.
102.Jump up ^ "Free-speech free-for-all". New York Post. Oct 6, 2012. Ashwaq Masood (Oct 4, 2012). "Pro-Muslim Subway Ads to Hang Near Anti-Jihad Ads". New York Times.
Jewish Council for Public Affairs. "JCPA Condemns Bigoted, Divisive, and Unhelpful Anti-Muslim Ads". JCPA. Retrieved September 21, 2012.
103.Jump up ^ "A shocking assumption". The New York Post. Sep 29, 2012.
104.Jump up ^ New anti-Muslim ads up in NYC subway stations, CBS News, January 9, 2013.
105.Jump up ^ Emily Anne Epstein, New Anti-Islam Ads to Debut This Month, Now With 25% More MTA Disclaimer, The New York Observer, December 7, 2012.
106.Jump up ^ Matt Flegenheimer (Dec 13, 2012). "Controversial Group Plans More Ads in Subway Stations". New York Times.
107.Jump up ^ Murtaza Hussain, Anti-Muslim violence spiraling out of control in America, Al-Jazeera, December 31, 2012.
108.Jump up ^ Wajahat Ali, Death by brown skin, Salon, December 31, 2012.
109.Jump up ^ Roland Imhoff. "Differentiating Islamophobia: Introducing a new scale to measure Islamoprejudice and Secular Islam Critique". Retrieved 18 March 2015.
110.Jump up ^ Haroon Siddique (8 Oct 2013). "Tommy Robinson quits EDL saying it has become 'too extreme'". The Guardian.
111.Jump up ^ Benn; Jawad (2004) p. 111
112.^ Jump up to: a b c Steven Vertovec, "Islamophobia and Muslim Recognition in Britain"; in Haddad (2002) pp. 32–33
113.Jump up ^ Naina Patel, Beth Humphries and Don Naik, "The 3 Rs in social work; Religion,‘race’ and racism in Europe", in Johnson; Soydan; Williams (1998) pp. 197–198
114.Jump up ^ Imam Dr Abduljalil Sajid. "Islamophobia: A new word for an old fear". Retrieved 2007-08-17.
115.^ Jump up to: a b "The next holocaust", New Statesman, 5 December 2005.
116.Jump up ^ Malik, Kenan. From Fatwa to Jihad. Atlantic Books, London (2009): pp. 131-32.
117.^ Jump up to: a b Malik (2009): p. 132
118.Jump up ^ "Poll: Americans Skeptical of Islam and Arabs", "ABC News", March 8, 2006.
119.Jump up ^ "Islamophobia Felt 5 Years after 9/11", Good Morning America, September 9, 2006.
120.Jump up ^ Kumar, Kumar (2012). Islamophobia and the Politics of Empire. Haymarket Books. p. 6. ISBN 978-1608462117.
121.Jump up ^ Fighting Islamophobia: A Response to Critics – Deepa Kumar, MRZine, February 2006
122.Jump up ^ [1] "Cover Story: Islamophobia as an Ideological Formation" Dawn, August 7, 2012
123.Jump up ^ "If the Sikh Temple Had Been a Mosque" Samuel G Freedman New York Times, August 10, 2012
124.Jump up ^ George Galloway (14 March 2010). "Sinister parallels of hatred". Morning Star. Retrieved 2010-04-04.
125.Jump up ^ "Britain divided by Islam, survey finds". The Daily Telegraph (London). 11 Jan 2010. Retrieved 2010-04-04.
126.Jump up ^ "EUMC presents reports on Discrimination and Islamophobia in the EU". "European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia media release". 2006-12-18.
127.^ Jump up to: a b c Allen, Chris and Nielsen, Jorgen S. "Summary report on Islamophobia in the EU after 11 September 2001", EUMC, May, 2002.
128.Jump up ^ EUMC website – Publications . Retrieved 2007-11-17.
129.Jump up ^ Roald, Anne Sophie (2004). New Muslims in the European Context: The Experience of Scandinavian Converts. Brill. p. 53. ISBN 90-04-13679-7.
130.Jump up ^ http://www.fasena.de/download/rechts/SIFCI.pdf
131.Jump up ^ "Conference Two: Combating Intolerance". Chancellery of the Government of Sweden. Retrieved 19 November 2011.[dead link]
132.Jump up ^ "OIC warns of exploiting Islamophobia phenomenon". Arab News. 13 November 2012. Retrieved 18 October 2013.
133.Jump up ^ Spruyt, B., & Elchardus, M.: "Are anti-Muslim feelings more widespread than anti-foreigner feelings? Evidence from two split-sample experiments.", Ethnicities, Advance online publication (2012), http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796812449707
134.Jump up ^ González, K. V., Verkuyten, M., Weesie, J., & Poppe, E.: "Prejudice Towards Muslims in The Netherlands: Testing Integrated Threat Theory", The British journal of social psychology, Vol. 47, No. 4 (2008), pp.667-685, http://dx.doi.org/10.1348/014466608X28444
135.Jump up ^ Savelkoul, M., Scheepers, P., Tolsma, J., & Hagendoorn, L.: "Anti-Muslim attitudes in the Netherlands: Tests of contradictory hypotheses derived from ethnic competition theory and intergroup contact theory.", European Sociological Review, Vol. 27, No. 6 (2010), pp.741-758, http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/esr/jcq035
136.Jump up ^ Schlueter, E., & Scheepers, P.: "The relationship between outgroup size and anti-outgroup attitudes: A theoretical synthesis and empirical test of group threat- and intergroup contact theory", Social Science Research, Vol. 39, No. 2 (2010), pp.285-295, http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ssresearch.2009.07.006
137.Jump up ^ Kunst, J. R., Tajamal, H., Sam, D. L., & Ulleberg, P. : "Coping with Islamophobia: The effects of religious stigma on Muslim minorities' identity formation.", International Journal of Intercultural Relations, Vol. 36, No. 4 (2012), pp.518-532, http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijintrel.2011.12.014
138.Jump up ^ Verkuyten, M., & Yildiz, A. A.: "National (dis)identification and ethnic and religious identity: A study among Turkish-Dutch Muslims.", Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, Vol. 33, No. 10 (2007), pp.1448–1462, http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0146167207304276
139.Jump up ^ Johnston, D., & Lordan, G.: "Discrimination makes me sick! An examination of the discrimination–health relationship", Journal of Health Economics, Vol. 31, No. 1 (2011), pp.99–111, http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jhealeco.2011.12.002
140.Jump up ^ "Wahhabism expansion in Russia leads to growth of Islamophobia - National Anti-Terrorist Committee". Rossiyskaya Gazeta. June 25, 2013.
141.Jump up ^ Daniel Kalder (8 Oct 2013). "Russian court bans Qur'an translation". Guardian.
142.Jump up ^ Husna Haq (Oct 9, 2013). "Russia blacklists translation of the Quran". Christian Science Monitor.
143.Jump up ^ "No change for the better: Georgia appears to have moved backwards under Bidzina Ivanishvili". The Economist. Oct 12, 2013.
144.Jump up ^ "Rising tide of Islamophobia engulfs Athens". Globe and Mail (Toronto). Jan 3, 2011.
145.Jump up ^ Ben McPartland (15 Feb 2013). "Islamophobia has been trivialized in France". The Local.
146.Jump up ^ Muslims In Western Europe After 9/11: Why the term Islamophobia is more a predicament than an explanation PDF
147.Jump up ^ Newsweek: New report exposes huge rise in racist crime in Europe
148.Jump up ^ Poole, E. (2003) p. 218. "The Runnymede Trust has been successful in that the term Islamophobia is now widely recognized and used, though many right-wing commentators reject its existence or argue that it is justified. However, now becoming a catch-all label for any harrassment involving Muslims, it should not be considered unproblematic."
149.Jump up ^ Jocelyne Cesari (December 15–16, 2006). "Muslims in Western Europe After 9/11:Why the term Islamophobia is more a predicament than an explanation" (PDF).
150.Jump up ^ Nawaz, Maajid. Radical. W.H. Allen, London: 2012: p. 109
151.Jump up ^ Ed Husain (7 July 2008). "Stop pandering to the Islamist extremists". London Evening Standard (London). Retrieved 24 October 2013.
152.Jump up ^ Rushdie, Salman (2012). Joseph Anton: A Memoir, pp. 344–346, Jonathan Cape. Quoted at cārvāka4india.com. Retrieved 18 February 2014.
153.Jump up ^ Jackson, Paul (2001). The EDL: Britain's 'New Far Right' Social Movement (PDF). RMN Publications, University of Northampton. pp. 10–11. Retrieved 28 June 2012.
154.Jump up ^ "Eli Göndör: Begreppet islamofobi bör bytas ut". Retrieved 18 March 2015.
155.Jump up ^ Bunzl 2007, Bravo Lopéz 2009
156.Jump up ^ Mohammad H. Tamdgidi "Beyond Islamophobia and Islamophilia as Western Epistemic Racisms: Revisiting Runnymede Trust's Definition in a World-History Context" Islamophobia Studies Journal, Vol. 1 No. 1, Spring 2012:p. 76
157.Jump up ^ "Writers issue cartoon row warning". BBC News. 1 March 2006. Retrieved 19 February 2014.
158.Jump up ^ Rushdie, Salman et al. (March 1, 2006). "Writers' statement on cartoons", BBC News. Retrieved 18 February 2014. "We refuse to renounce our critical spirit out of fear of being accused of "Islamophobia", a wretched concept that confuses criticism of Islam as a religion and stigmatisation of those who believe in it."
159.Jump up ^ Benn, Piers (31 May 2007). "On Islamophobia-phobia". rationalist.org.uk. (originally published in New Humanist in 2002). Retrieved 18 February 2014.
160.Jump up ^ Kimball, Roger. "After the suicide of the West" at the Wayback Machine (archived January 3, 2006), January 2006.
161.Jump up ^ Pascal Bruckner: The invention of Islamophobia, signandsight.com, 3 January 2011, retrieved 29 September 2012; originally published in French in Libération: L’invention de l’«islamophobie», 23 November 2010
162.Jump up ^ Sam Harris, "Lifting the Veil of 'Islamophobia' A Conversation with Ayaan Hirsi Ali", May 8, 2014.
163.Jump up ^ Harris, Sam (August 13, 2010). "What Obama Got Wrong About the Mosque". The Daily Beast.
164.Jump up ^ "Sam Harris: Bombing Our Illusions". Huffington Post. 10 October 2005. Retrieved July 5, 2010.
165.Jump up ^ Michael Walzer: Islamism and the Left Dissent, Winter 2015.
166.Jump up ^ Haslam, Nick (17 December 2008). "Bigots are just sick at heart". The Australian. Retrieved 15 January 2015.
167.Jump up ^ Kessler, Clive (11 January 2015). "Islamophobia: The Origins of the Specious". Quadrant. Retrieved 15 January 2015.
168.'Jump up to: ^ Goldberg, Jeffrey (16 January 2015). "French Prime Minister: 'I Refuse to Use This Term Islamophobia". The Atlantic. Retrieved 17 February 2015.
169.Jump up ^ Warren J. Blumenfeld (5 December 2012). "The Associated Press and Terms Like'Homophobia'". Huffington Post. Retrieved 6 June 2013.
170.Jump up ^ Dylan Byers (26 December 2012). "AP Nixes 'homophobia', 'ethnic cleansing'". Politico. Retrieved 5 June 2013.
Sources[edit]
Poole, E. (2003). "Islamophobia". In Cashmore, Ellis. Encyclopedia of Race and Ethnic Studies. Routledge. pp. 215–219. ISBN 978-0-415-44714-0.
Benn, T.; Jawad, H. (2004). Muslim Women in the United Kingdom and Beyond: Experiences and Images. Brill Publishers. ISBN 90-04-12581-7.
Egorova, Y.; Parfitt, T. (2003). Jews, Muslims, and Mass Media: Mediating the 'Other'. London: Routledge Curzon. ISBN 0-415-31839-4.
Haddad, Y. (2002). Muslims in the West: From Sojourners to Citizens. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-514805-3.
Johnson, M. R. D.; Soydan, H; Williams, C. (1998). Social Work and Minorities: European Perspectives. London; New York: Routledge. ISBN 0-415-16962-3.
R Miles and M Brown (2003). Racism. London; New York: Routledge. ISBN 0-415-29676-5.
Further reading[edit]
Allen, Chris (2011). Islamophobia. Ashgate Publishing Company.
Abbas, Tahir (2005). Muslim Britain: Communities Under Pressure. Zed. ISBN 978-1-84277-449-6.
van Driel, B. (2004). Confronting Islamophobia In Educational Practice. Trentham Books. ISBN 1-85856-340-2.
"Fear, Inc.: The Roots of the Islamophobia Network in America," Wajahat Ali, Eli Clifton, Matthew Duss, Lee Fang, Scott Keyes, and Faiz Shakir, accessed February 24, 2015.
"Fear, Inc. 2.0: The Islamophobia Network’s Efforts to Manufacture Hate in America," Matthew Duss, Yasmine Taeb, Ken Gude, and Ken Sofer, accessed February 24, 2015.
Gottschalk, P.; Greenberg, G. (2007). Islamophobia: Making Muslims the Enemy. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield publishers. ISBN 978-0-7425-5286-9.
Greaves, R. (2004). Islam and the West Post 9/11. Ashgate publishing Ltd. ISBN 0-7546-5005-7.
Kaplan, Jeffrey (2006). "Islamophobia in America?: September 11 and Islamophobic Hate Crime", Terrorism and Political Violence (Routledge), 18:1, 1–33.
Kincheloe, Joe L. and Shirley R. Steinberg (2004). The Miseducation of the West: How the Schools and Media Distort Our Understanding of Islam. Westport, Connecticut: Praeger Press. (Arabic Edition, 2005).
Konrad, Felix (2011). From the "Turkish Menace" to Exoticism and Orientalism: Islam as Antithesis of Europe (1453–1914)?, European History Online, Mainz: Institute of European History. Retrieved: June 22, 2011.
Kundnani, Arun. (2014) The Muslims Are Coming! Islamaphobia, Extremism, and the Domestic War on Terror (Verso; 2014) 327 pages
Pynting, Scott; Mason, Victoria (2007). "The Resistible Rise of Islamophobia: Anti-Muslim Racism in the UK and Australia before 11 September 2001". Journal of Sociology". The Australian Sociological Association 43 (1): 61–86.
Quraishi, M. (2005). Muslims and Crime: A Comparative Study. Ashgate Publishing. ISBN 0-7546-4233-X.
Ramadan, T. (2004). Western Muslims and the Future of Islam. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-517111-X.
Richardson, John E. (2004). (Mis)representing Islam: the racism and rhetoric of British broadsheet newspapers. John Benjamins Publishing Company. ISBN 90-272-2699-7.
Sheehi, Stephen (2011). Islamophobia: The Ideological Campaign Against Muslims. Clarity Press.
Shryock, Andrew, ed. (2010). Islamophobia/Islamophilia: Beyond the Politics of Enemy and Friend. Indiana University Press. pp. 250. Essays on Islamophobia past and present; topics include the "neo-Orientalism" of three Muslim commentators today: Ayaan Hirsi Ali, Reza Aslan, and Irshad Manji.
Tausch, Arno with Christian Bischof, Tomaz Kastrun and Karl Mueller (2007). Against Islamophobia: Muslim Communities, Social-Exclusion and the Lisbon Process in Europe. Hauppauge, N.Y.: Nova Science Publishers. ISBN 978-1-60021-535-3.
Tausch, Arno with Christian Bischof, and Karl Mueller (2008). Muslim Calvinism: Internal Security and the Lisbon Process in Europe. Purdue University Press. ISBN 978-905170995-7.
Tausch, Arno (2007). Against Islamophobia: Quantitative Analyses of Global Terrorism, World Political Cycles and Center Periphery Structures. Hauppauge, N.Y.: Nova Science Publishers. ISBN 978-1-60021-536-0.
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Anti-Islam

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For opposition to Islamism, rather than to Islam, see Criticism of Islamism.
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Criticism of Islam
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Anti-Islam

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

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For opposition to Islamism, rather than to Islam, see Criticism of Islamism.
Anti-Islam may refer to one of the following closely related topics:
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