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Harvey Milk in pop culture wikipedia pages
Harvey Milk Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender Democratic Club
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For other uses, see Harvey Milk (disambiguation).
Logo of the organization
Based in San Francisco, California, the Harvey Milk Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender Democratic Club is a chapter of the Stonewall Democrats, named after LGBT politician and activist Harvey Milk. Believing that the existing Alice B. Toklas LGBT Democratic Club would never support him in his political aspirations, Milk co-founded the club under the name "San Francisco Gay Democratic Club" in the wake of his unsuccessful 1976 campaign for the California State Assembly. Joining Milk in forming the club were a number of the city's activists, including Harry Britt, Dick Pabich, Jim Rivaldo and first club president Chris Perry.[1]
The club set forth the following as its organizing statement:
No decisions which affect our lives should be made without the gay voice being heard. We want our fair share of city services. We want openly gay people appointed and elected to city offices—people who reflect the diversity of our community. We want the schools of San Francisco to provide full exposure to and positive appreciation of gay lifestyles. We are asking no more than we deserve: We will not settle for less.[1]
Contents
[hide] 1 History
2 Notes
3 See also
4 References
5 External links
History[edit]
One of the club's early actions was to demonstrate at a speech given by Vice-president Walter Mondale in Golden Gate Park on June 17, 1977. When Mondale began speaking of human rights in Latin America, demonstrators held up signs demanding a statement on human rights in the United States. When a demonstrator verbally challenged Mondale to say something about gay rights, Mondale angrily left the stage.[2]
Following the assassination of Harvey Milk in 1978, the club changed its name to the Harvey Milk Democratic Club in his memory. The club bills itself as the largest Democratic club in San Francisco.[3]
The club was an inadvertent catalyst of a journalistic scandal for CBS. CBS News producers George Crile and Grace Diekhaus manipulated footage of an appearance by Dianne Feinstein and included it in the 1980 documentary Gay Power, Gay Politics. The National News Council found that this manipulation was a breach of journalistic ethics.[4]
With the onset of the AIDS epidemic, the Milk Club was an early advocate of closing down the city's gay bathhouses. The club also created some of the earliest safe sex education materials in the country.[5]
Notes[edit]
1.^ Jump up to: a b Shilts (1982), p. 150
2.Jump up ^ Shilts (1982), p. 161
3.Jump up ^ "The Harvey Milk Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender Democratic Club". The Harvey Milk Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender Democratic Club. August 2008. Retrieved 2008-09-08.
4.Jump up ^ Rutledge, p. 152
5.Jump up ^ Shilts (1987), p. 280
See also[edit]
Alice B. Toklas LGBT Democratic Club
National Stonewall Democrats
References[edit]
Rutledge, Leigh (1992). The Gay Decades. New York, Penguin. ISBN 0-452-26810-9.
Shilts, Randy (1982). The Mayor of Castro Street. New York, St. Martin's Press. ISBN 0-312-52331-9.
Shilts, Randy (1987). And The Band Played On. New York, St. Martin's Press. ISBN 0-312-00994-1.
External links[edit]
Harvey Milk Lesbian Gay Bisexual Transgender Democratic Club official site
Stonewall Democrats official site
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Categories: Democratic Party (United States) organizations
LGBT political advocacy groups in California
California Democratic Party
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The Times of Harvey Milk
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
For other uses, see Harvey Milk (disambiguation).
The Times of Harvey Milk
Directed by
Rob Epstein
Produced by
Richard Schmiechen
Rob Epstein
Gregory W. Bex
Written by
Rob Epstein
Carter Wilson
Judith Coburn
Narrated by
Harvey Fierstein
Starring
See Cast
Music by
Mark Isham
Cinematography
Frances Reid
Editing by
Rob Epstein
Deborah Hoffmann
Distributed by
New Yorker Films
Release date(s)
October 26, 1984
Running time
90 minutes
Country
United States
Language
English
Box office
$29,802
The Times of Harvey Milk is a 1984 American documentary film that premiered at the Telluride Film Festival, the New York Film Festival,[1] and then on November 1, 1984 at the Castro Theatre in San Francisco.[2][3] The film was directed by Rob Epstein, produced by Richard Schmiechen, and narrated by Harvey Fierstein, with an original score by Mark Isham.
In 2012, this film was deemed "culturally, historically, or aesthetically significant" by the United States Library of Congress and selected for preservation in the National Film Registry. [4]
Contents
[hide] 1 Plot
2 Participants
3 Featured people
4 Awards and honors
5 Home media
6 References
7 External links
Plot[edit]
The Times of Harvey Milk documents the political career of Harvey Milk, who was San Francisco's first openly gay supervisor. The film documents Milk's rise from a neighborhood activist to a symbol of gay political achievement, through to his assassination in November 1978 at San Francisco's city hall, and the Dan White trial and aftermath.
Participants[edit]
Harvey Fierstein (narrator)
Anne Kronenberg
Tom Ammiano
Sally Gearhart
Allan Baird, Teamsters Union leader
Archive footageHarvey Milk
Dan White
George Moscone
Dianne Feinstein
Jimmy Carter
Featured people[edit]
The film was produced after Milk's death using original interviews, exclusive documentary footage, news reports, and archival footage, so that Milk is credited as the lead (posthumously). Other politicians including San Francisco mayor George Moscone (who was assassinated with Milk), and Moscone's successor and now United States Senator Dianne Feinstein appear in archival footage. The movie opens with a tearful Feinstein delivering her announcement to the media that Moscone and Milk had been assassinated by Dan White.
Also featured in the film is schoolteacher Tom Ammiano, who would go on to be a member of the California State Assembly.
Awards and honors[edit]
The film won the Academy Award for Best Documentary Feature for 1984,[5] and was awarded Special Jury Prize at the first Sundance Film Festival, among other awards.[6]
Home media[edit]
A digitally restored version of the film was released on DVD and Blu-ray by The Criterion Collection in March 2011. The release includes audio commentary featuring director Rob Epstein,coeditor Deborah Hoffmann, and photographer Daniel Nicoletta, interview clips not used in the film, a new interview with documentary filmmaker Jon Else, a new program about The Times of Harvey Milk and Gus Van Sant’s 2008 film, Milk, featuring Epstein, Van Sant, actor James Franco, and Milk friends Cleve Jones, Anne Kronenberg, and Nicoletta, rare collection of audio and video recordings of Milk, excerpts from Epstein’s research tapes, featuring Milk partner Scott Smith, footage from the film’s Castro Theatre premiere and the 1984 Academy Awards, panel discussion on Supervisor Dan White’s trial, and excerpts from the 25th anniversary commemoration of Milk’s and Mayor George Moscone’s assassinations.
References[edit]
1.Jump up ^ "Project History page at". Tellingpictures.com. 1978-05-21. Retrieved 2013-02-25.
2.Jump up ^ "The Times of Harvey Milk". The Times of Harvey Milk. Retrieved 2013-02-25.
3.Jump up ^ "Telling Pictures". Telling Pictures. Retrieved 2013-02-25.
4.Jump up ^ "National Film Registry selects 25 films for preservation " Los Angeles Times (December 19, 2012)
5.Jump up ^ "NY Times: The Times of Harvey Milk". NY Times. Retrieved 2008-11-16.
6.Jump up ^ "IMDb: The Times of Harvey Milk". IMDb. Retrieved 2008-11-16.
External links[edit]
Official website
The Times of Harvey Milk at the Internet Movie Database
The Times of Harvey Milk at Box Office Mojo
The Times of Harvey Milk at Rotten Tomatoes
Criterion Collection Essay by Stuart Milk
Criterion Collection Essay by B. Ruby Rich
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Categories: 1984 films
English-language films
1980s documentary films
American films
American documentary films
American LGBT-related films
Films directed by Rob Epstein
Best Documentary Feature Academy Award winners
Documentary films about American politicians
Films set in San Francisco, California
History of LGBT civil rights in the United States
History of San Francisco, California
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LGBT history in San Francisco, California
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Milk (film)
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
Milk
Milkposter08.jpg
Theatrical release poster
Directed by
Gus Van Sant
Produced by
Dan Jinks
Bruce Cohen
Written by
Dustin Lance Black
Starring
Sean Penn
Emile Hirsch
Josh Brolin
Diego Luna
James Franco
Music by
Danny Elfman
Cinematography
Harris Savides
Editing by
Elliot Graham
Studio
The Jinks/Cohen Company
Gus Van Sant Films
Groundswell Productions
Distributed by
Focus Features
Release date(s)
November 26, 2008
Running time
128 minutes
Country
United States
Language
English
Budget
$20 million
Box office
$54,586,584
Milk is a 2008 American biographical film based on the life of gay rights activist and politician Harvey Milk, who was the first openly gay person to be elected to public office in California, as a member of the San Francisco Board of Supervisors. Directed by Gus Van Sant and written by Dustin Lance Black, the film stars Sean Penn as Milk and Josh Brolin as Dan White, a city supervisor who assassinated Milk. The film was released to much acclaim and earned numerous accolades from film critics and guilds. Ultimately, it received eight Academy Award nominations, including Best Picture, winning two for Best Actor in a Leading Role for Penn and Best Original Screenplay for Black.
Attempts to put Milk's life to film followed a 1984 documentary of his life and the aftermath of his assassination, titled The Times of Harvey Milk, which was loosely based upon Randy Shilts's biography, The Mayor of Castro Street. (The film won the Academy Award for Best Documentary Feature for 1984, and was awarded Special Jury Prize at the first Sundance Film Festival, among other awards.) Various scripts were considered in the early 1990s, but projects fell through for different reasons, until 2007. Much of Milk was filmed on Castro Street and other locations in San Francisco, including Milk's former storefront, Castro Camera.
Milk begins on Harvey Milk's 40th birthday (in 1970), when he was living in New York City and had not yet settled in San Francisco. It chronicles his foray into city politics, and the various battles he waged in the Castro neighborhood as well as throughout the city, and political campaigns to limit the rights of gay people in 1977 and 1978 run by Anita Bryant and John Briggs. His romantic and political relationships are also addressed, as is his tenuous affiliation with troubled Supervisor Dan White; the film ends with White's double homicide of Milk and Mayor George Moscone. The film's release was tied to the 2008 California voter referendum on gay marriage, Proposition 8, when it made its premiere at the Castro Theatre two weeks before election day.
Contents
[hide] 1 Plot
2 Cast
3 Production
4 Soundtrack
5 Release 5.1 Box office
5.2 Home media
6 Critical reception 6.1 Top ten lists
6.2 Samoa ban
7 Accolades
8 References
9 External links
Plot[edit]
The film opens with archival footage of police raiding gay bars and arresting patrons during the 1950s and 1960s, followed by Dianne Feinstein's November 27, 1978, announcement to the press that Milk and Moscone had been assassinated. Milk is seen recording his will throughout the film, nine days (November 18, 1978) before the assassinations. The film then flashes back to New York City in 1970, the eve of Milk's 40th birthday and his first meeting with his much younger lover, Scott Smith (James Franco).
Unsatisfied with his life and in need of a change, Milk and Smith decide to move to San Francisco in the hope of finding larger acceptance of their relationship. They open Castro Camera in the heart of Eureka Valley, a working-class neighborhood in the process of evolving into a predominantly gay neighborhood known as The Castro. Frustrated by the opposition they encounter in the once Irish-Catholic neighborhood, Milk utilizes his background as a businessman to become a gay activist, eventually becoming a mentor for Cleve Jones (Emile Hirsch). Early on, Smith serves as Milk's campaign manager, but he grows frustrated with Milk's devotion to politics, and he leaves him. Milk later meets Jack Lira (Diego Luna), a sweet-natured but unbalanced young man. As with Smith, Lira cannot tolerate Milk's devotion to political activism, and eventually hangs himself. Milk clashes with the local gay "establishment" which he feels to be too cautious and risk-averse.
After two unsuccessful political campaigns in 1973 and 1975 to become a city supervisor and a third in 1976 for the California State Assembly, Milk finally wins a seat on the San Francisco Board of Supervisors in 1977 for District 5. His victory makes him the first openly gay man to be voted into major public office in California and in the top three in the entire US. Milk subsequently meets fellow Supervisor Dan White (Brolin), a Vietnam veteran and former police officer and firefighter. White, who is politically and socially conservative, has a difficult relationship with Milk, and develops a growing resentment for Milk when he opposes projects that White proposes.
Milk and White forge a complex working relationship. Milk is invited to, and attends, the christening of White's first child, and White asks for Milk's assistance in preventing a psychiatric hospital from opening in White's district, possibly in exchange for White's support of Milk's citywide gay rights ordinance. When Milk fails to support White because of the negative effect it will have on troubled youth, White feels betrayed, and ultimately becomes the sole vote against the gay rights ordinance. Milk also launches an effort to defeat Proposition 6, an initiative on the California state ballot in November 1978. Sponsored by John Briggs (Denis O'Hare), a conservative state legislator from Orange County, Proposition 6 seeks to ban gays and lesbians (in addition to anyone who supports them) from working in California's public schools. It is also part of a nationwide conservative movement that starts with the successful campaign headed by Anita Bryant and her organization Save Our Children in Dade County, Florida to repeal a local gay rights ordinance.
On November 7, 1978, after working tirelessly against Proposition 6, Milk and his supporters rejoice in the wake of its defeat. A desperate White favors a supervisor pay raise, but does not get much support, and shortly after supporting the proposition, resigns from the Board. He later changes his mind and asks to be reinstated. Mayor Moscone (Victor Garber) denies his request, after being lobbied by Milk.
On the morning of November 27, 1978, White enters City Hall through a basement window to conceal a gun from metal detectors. He requests another meeting with Moscone, who rebuffs his request for appointment to his former seat. Enraged, White shoots Moscone in his office and then goes to meet Milk, where he guns him down, with the fatal bullet delivered execution style. The film suggests that Milk believed that White might be a closeted gay man.[1]
The last scene is a candlelight vigil held by thousands for Milk and Moscone throughout the streets of the city. Pictures of the actual people depicted in the film, and brief summaries of their lives follow.
Cast[edit]
Sean Penn filming Milk in 2008.Sean Penn as Harvey Milk
Emile Hirsch as Cleve Jones
Josh Brolin as Dan White
Diego Luna as Jack Lira
James Franco as Scott Smith
Alison Pill as Anne Kronenberg
Victor Garber as Mayor George Moscone
Denis O'Hare as State Senator John Briggs
Joseph Cross as Dick Pabich
Stephen Spinella as Rick Stokes
Lucas Grabeel as Danny Nicoletta
Jeff Koons as Art Agnos
Ashlee Temple as Dianne Feinstein
Wendy Tremont King as Carol Ruth Silver
Steven Wiig as McConnely
Kelvin Han Yee as Gordon Lau
Howard Rosenman as David Goodstein
Ted Jan Roberts as Dennis Peron
Robert Chimento as Phillip Burton
Zachary Culbertson as Bill Kraus
Mark Martinez as Sylvester
Brent Corrigan as Telephone Tree #3
A number of Milk's associates, including speechwriter Frank M. Robinson, Teamster Allan Baird and school teacher-turned-politician Tom Ammiano portrayed themselves. Additionally, Carol Ruth Silver, who served with Milk on the Board of Supervisors, plays a small role as Thelma. Cleve Jones also has a small role as Don Amador. Anne Kronenberg makes a cameo appearance as a stenographer, and Daniel Nicoletta appears in a cameo as Carl Carlson.
Production[edit]
In early 1991, Oliver Stone was planning to produce, but not direct, a film on Milk's life;[2] he wrote a script for the film, called The Mayor of Castro Street.[3] In July 1992, director Gus Van Sant was signed with Warner Bros. to direct the biopic with actor Robin Williams in the lead role.[4] By April 1993, Van Sant parted ways with the studio, citing creative differences.[5] Other actors considered for Harvey Milk at the time were Richard Gere, Daniel Day-Lewis, Al Pacino, and James Woods. In April 2007, the director sought to direct the biopic based on a script by Dustin Lance Black, while at the same time, director Bryan Singer was developing The Mayor of Castro Street, which had been in development hell.[6] By the following September, Sean Penn was attached to play Harvey Milk and Matt Damon was attached to play Milk's assassin, Dan White.[7] Damon pulled out later in September due to scheduling conflicts.[8] By November, Focus Features moved forward with Van Sant's production, Milk, while Singer's project ran into trouble with the writers' strike.[9] In December 2007, actors Josh Brolin, Emile Hirsch, Alison Pill, and James Franco joined Milk, with Brolin replacing Damon as Dan White.[10] Milk began filming on location in San Francisco in January 2008.[11]
The production design and costume design crew for the film researched the history of the city's gay community in the archives of the GLBT Historical Society in San Francisco, where they spent several weeks reviewing photographs, film and video, newspapers, historic textiles and ephemera, as well as the personal belongings of Harvey Milk, which were donated to the institution by the estate of Scott Smith.[12][13] The crew also talked to people who knew Milk to shape their approach to the era.
The filmmakers also revisited the location of Milk's camera shop on Castro Street and dressed the street to match the film's 1970s setting. The camera shop, which had become a gift shop, was bought out by filmmakers for a couple of months to use in production. Production on Castro Street also revitalized the Castro Theatre, whose facade was repainted and whose neon marquee was redone. Filming also took place at the San Francisco City Hall, while White's office, where Milk was assassinated, was recreated elsewhere due to the city hall's offices having become more modern. Filmmakers also intended to show a view of the San Francisco Opera House from the redesign of White's office.[14] Filming finished March 2008.[15]
Soundtrack[edit]
The music of the movie is composed by Danny Elfman under the label Decca Records.
1."Queen Bitch" - David Bowie
2."Everyday People" - Sly & the Family Stone
3."Rock The Boat" - Hues Corporation
4."You Make Me Feel [So Real]" - Sylvester
5."Hello, Hello" - Sopwith Camel
6."Well Tempered Clavier (Bach)" - Swingle Singers
7."Till Victory" - Patti Smith Group
8."Over the Rainbow" - Judy Garland
Film score:
1.Main Titles
2.Harvey's Theme 1
3.Harvey's Will
4.The Castro
5.The Kiss
6.Politics Is Theater
7.New Hope
8.Harvey Wins
9.Proposition
10.Repealed Rights
11.Gay Rights Now!
12.Dog Poo
13.Vote Passes
14.Briggs Pushing
15.The Debates
16.Weepy Donuts
17.Harvey's Last Day
18.Give 'Em Hope
19.Postscript
20.Harvey's Theme 2
21.Anita's Theme
22.Main Titles (Sax Solo)
Release[edit]
In the month leading up to Milk's release, Focus Features kept the film out of all film festivals and restricted media screenings, seeking to briefly avoid word-of-mouth and the partisanship it could generate. Milk premiered in San Francisco on October 28, 2008, initiating a marketing dilemma that Focus Features struggled to face due to the film's subject matter. The studio hoped to stay above the politics of the ongoing general elections, especially California's anti-gay-marriage Proposition 8, which parallels the anti-gay rights Proposition 6 that is explored in the film.[16]
Regardless, many reviewers and pundits have noted that the highly acclaimed film has taken on a new significance after the successful passage of Proposition 8 as a galvanizing point of honoring a major gay political and historical figure who would have strongly opposed the measure.[17][18] Gay activists called on Focus Features to pull the film from the Cinemark Theatres chain as part of a series of boycotts because Cinemark's chief executive, Alan Stock, donated $9,999 to the Yes on 8 campaign.[19][20]
Box office[edit]
In the United States, Milk was given a limited release on November 26, 2008, and expanded to additional theaters each of the following weekends to a maximum of 882 screens. The film made the top 10 box office list on its opening weekend with earnings of $1.4 million in 36 theaters.[21] At the box office, the film more than doubled its production cost of $20 million. However, its long-term box office receipts were relatively poor.[22]
Home media[edit]
Milk was released on DVD and Blu-ray on March 10, 2009.[23] The DVD comes with deleted scenes and three featurettes: Remembering Harvey, Hollywood Comes to San Francisco, and Marching for Equality.
As of August 16, 2009, the DVD release of the film has sold an estimated 600,413 units, resulting in an estimated $10,618,012 in revenue.[24] Estimates for the Blu-ray release are not available.
Critical reception[edit]
Milk received positive reviews from film critics.[25] Rotten Tomatoes reported that 94% of critics gave the film a positive review, based on a sample of 211, with an average score of 8.0/10.[26] At Metacritic, which assigns a normalized rating out of 100 to reviews from mainstream critics, the film has received an average score of 84, based on 39 reviews.[25]
Todd McCarthy of Variety called the film "adroitly and tenderly observed," "smartly handled," and "most notable for the surprising and entirely winning performance by Sean Penn." He added, "while Milk is unquestionably marked by many mandatory scenes . . . the quality of the writing, acting and directing generally invests them with the feel of real life and credible personal interchange, rather than of scripted stops along the way from aspiration to triumph to tragedy. And on a project whose greatest danger lay in its potential to come across as agenda-driven agitprop, the filmmakers have crucially infused the story with qualities in very short supply today — gentleness and a humane embrace of all its characters."[27]
Kirk Honeycutt of The Hollywood Reporter said the film "transcends any single genre as a very human document that touches first and foremost on the need to give people hope" and added it "is superbly crafted, covering huge amounts of time, people and the zeitgeist without a moment of lapsed energy or inattention to detail . . . Black's screenplay is based solely on his own original research and interviews, and it shows: The film is richly flavored with anecdotal incidents and details. Milk surfaces in a season filled with movies based on real lives, but this is the first one that inspires a sense of intimacy with its subjects."[28]
A. O. Scott of The New York Times called Milk, "A Marvel", and wrote the film "is a fascinating, multi-layered history lesson. In its scale and visual variety it feels almost like a calmed-down Oliver Stone movie, stripped of hyperbole and Oedipal melodrama. But it is also a film that like Mr. Van Sant's other recent work — and also, curiously, like David Fincher's Zodiac, another San Francisco-based tale of the 1970s — respects the limits of psychological and sociological explanation."[29]
Christianity Today, a major Evangelical Christian periodical, gave the film a positive response.[17] It stated that "Milk achieves what it sets out to do, telling an inspiring tale of one man's quest to legitimize his identity, to give hope to his community. I'm not sure how well it'll play outside of big cities, or if it will sway any opinions on hot-button political issues, but it gives a valiant, empathetic go of it." It also stated that the portrayal of Dan White was very fair and humanized and portrayed as more of a tragically flawed character, rather than a "typical 'crazy Christian villain' stereotype".[17]
In contrast, John Podhoretz of the conservative magazine Weekly Standard blasted the portrayal of Harvey Milk, saying that it treated the "smart, aggressive, purposefully offensive, press-savvy" activist like a "teddy bear". Podhoretz also argued that the film glosses over Milk's polyamorous relationships; he opined that this contrasts Milk from present day gay rights activists fighting over monogamous same-sex marriage. Podhoretz mentioned as well that the film concentrates on Milk's opposition to the Briggs Initiative while ignoring that both Governor Ronald Reagan and President Jimmy Carter had made more public statements against it.[30]
Screenwriter and journalist Richard David Boyle, who described himself as a former political ally of Milk's, stated that the film made a creditable effort of recreating the era. He also wrote that Penn captured Milk's "smile and humanity", and his sense of humor about his homosexuality. Boyle reserved criticism for what he felt was the film's inability to tell the whole story of Milk's election and demise.[31]
Luke Davies of The Monthly applauded the film for recreating "the atmosphere, the sense of hope and battle; even the sound design, bustling with street noise, adds much vibrancy to the tale," but voiced criticisms in regard to the message of the film, stating "while the film is a political narrative in a grand historical sense, the murder of Milk is neither a political assassination nor an act of homophobic rage. Rather, it is an act of revenge for perceived wrongs and public humiliation," Davies continues to postulate that "It seems as likely that Milk would have been murdered were he heterosexual. So the film can't be the heroic tale of a political martyr it needs to be in order to hold us and take our breath away. It's a simpler story, about a man who fought an extraordinary political fight and who was killed, arbitrarily and unnecessarily." Although Davies found Penn's portrayal of Milk moving, he adds that "on a minor but troubling note, there are times when Penn's version of 'gay' acting veers dangerously close to a twee version of his childlike (read: 'mentally retarded') acting in I Am Sam." All his criticisms aside, Davies concludes that "the heart of the film — and while it is not perfect, it is uplifting — lies in Penn's portrayal of Milk's generosity of spirit.[32]
The Advocate, while supporting the film in general, criticized the choice of Penn given the actor's support for the Cuban government despite the country's anti-gay rights record.[33] Human Rights Foundation president Thor Halvorssen said in the article "that Sean Penn would be honored by anyone, let alone the gay community, for having stood by a dictator that put gays into concentration camps is mind-boggling."[33] Los Angeles Times film critic Patrick Goldstein commented in response to the controversy, "I'm not holding my breath that anyone will be holding Penn's feet to the fire."[33]
Top ten lists[edit]
The film appeared on many critics' top ten lists of the best films of 2008.[34] Movie City News shows that the film appeared in 131 different top ten lists, out of 286 different critics lists surveyed, the 4th most mentions on a top ten list of the films released in 2008.[35]
1st — Michael Rechtshaffen, The Hollywood Reporter[34]
1st — Peter Travers, Rolling Stone[34]
2nd — Ella Taylor, LA Weekly[34]
2nd — Frank Scheck, The Hollywood Reporter[34]
2nd — Lisa Schwarzbaum, Entertainment Weekly[34]
2nd — Mick LaSalle, San Francisco Chronicle[34]
3rd — Ann Hornaday, The Washington Post[34]
3rd — Lou Lumenick, New York Post[34]
3rd — Marjorie Baumgarten, The Austin Chronicle[34]
3rd — Robert Mondello, NPR[34]
3rd — Ben Lyons, At the Movies
4th — Andrea Gronvall, Chicago Reader[34]
4th — Peter Hartlaub, San Francisco Chronicle[34]
4th — Stephen Holden, The New York Times[34]
4th — Ty Burr, The Boston Globe[34]
4th — Ben Mankiewicz, At the Movies
5th — Marc Doyle, Metacritic[34]
5th — Richard Corliss, TIME magazine[34]
5th — Stephen Farber, The Hollywood Reporter[34]
6th — Carrie Rickey, The Philadelphia Inquirer[34]
6th — Keith Phipps, The A.V. Club[34]
6th — Kirk Honeycutt, The Hollywood Reporter[34]
7th — Dana Stevens, Slate[34]
7th — David Denby, The New Yorker[34]
7th — Wesley Morris, The Boston Globe[34]
8th — A. O. Scott, The New York Times[34]
9th — Lawrence Toppman, The Charlotte Observer[34]
9th — Liam Lacey, The Globe and Mail[34]
9th — Noel Murray, The A.V. Club[34]
9th — Owen Gleiberman, Entertainment Weekly[34]
9th — Sean Axmaker, Seattle Post-Intelligencer[34]
10th — Nathan Rabin, The A.V. Club[34]
Listed - Roger Ebert, Chicago Sun-Times[34] (Ebert gave a top 20 list in alphabetical order without ranking and announced on his website that he considered it the most deserving 2008 'Best Picture' nominee at the Oscars.)
Samoa ban[edit]
In late March 2009, Samoa's Censorship Board banned the film from distribution, without giving a reason.[36] Samoan human rights activist Ken Moala disputed the ban, commenting that "It's really harmless, I don't know how it would affect Samoan lifestyle. It is totally different and not applicable to here, it is pretty tame really."[36] The Pacific Freedom Forum issued a press release stating that "Samoa is the only nation worldwide where censors have specifically banned the multi-academy award winning film," limiting Samoans to smuggled or pirated versions.[37] American Samoan Monica Miller, the Forum's co-chair, stated, "Observers are left to wonder at the censorship standards being applied in a country where fa'afafine have a well established and respected role."[37] Fa'afafine are biologically men raised to assume female gender roles, making them a third gender well accepted in Samoan society. The Fa'afafine Association also criticised the ban, describing it as a "reject[ion of] the idea of homosexuality".[38]
On April 30, Principal Censor Leiataua Niuapu released the reason for the ban, saying the film had been deemed "inappropriate and contradictory to Christian beliefs and Samoan culture": "In the movie itself it is trying to promote the human rights of gays. Some of the scenes are very inappropriate in regard to some of the sex in the film itself, it's very contrary to the way of life here in Samoa."[39] Samoan society is, in the words of the BBC, "deeply conservative and devoutly Christian".[40]
Accolades[edit]
Main article: List of accolades received by Milk (film)
Question book-new.svg
This section does not cite any references or sources. Please help improve this section by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (April 2012)
Milk had received accolades from several film critics organizations.
December 2, 2008,[41] the film received 4 nominations for the 24th Independent Spirit Awards and won 2, including Best Supporting Male (James Franco) and Best First Screenplay (Dustin Lance Black).[42]
December 9, 2008, the film received eight Critic's Choice Award nominations, including Best Picture and Best Director.
December 11, 2008, Sean Penn received one Golden Globe nomination for Best Actor, the film's only nomination.
December 18, 2008, the Screen Actors Guild nominated Milk in three categories: Best Actor, Best Supporting Actor and Best Cast in a Motion Picture for the 15th Screen Actors Guild Awards; Sean Penn was chosen as Best Actor.
January 5, 2009, the film's producers received a nomination for Producer of the Year for the 20th Producers Guild of America Awards.
January 8, 2009, Gus Van Sant received a nomination for Outstanding Directorial Achievement for the 61st Directors Guild of America Awards.
The film won Best Original Screenplay at the 62nd Writers Guild of America Awards
The film received four BAFTA award nominations, including Best Film, for the 62nd British Academy Film Awards.
January 22, 2009 the film received 8 Academy Award nominations, including Best Picture, and winning two, for Best Original Screenplay (Dustin Lance Black) and Best Actor in a Leading Role (Sean Penn).
References[edit]
1.Jump up ^ Edelstein D. "'Milk' Is Much More Than A Martyr Movie." NPR. November 26, 2008. Accessed on: January 3, 2009.
2.Jump up ^ Stephen Talbot (1991). "Sixties something". Mother Jones 16 (2): 47–9, 69–70.
3.Jump up ^ Barry Koltnow (December 4, 2008). "Orange County plays the villain in Harvey Milk movie". Orange County Register. Retrieved 2008-12-27.
4.Jump up ^ Toumarkine, Doris (July 15, 1992). "Van Sant set for Milk biopic". The Hollywood Reporter.
5.Jump up ^ Eller, Claudia (April 19, 1993). "Van Sant off of 'Castro St.'". Variety. Retrieved November 26, 2008.
6.Jump up ^ Fleming, Michael; Pamela McClintock (April 12, 2007). "Dueling directors Milk a good story". Variety. Retrieved November 26, 2008.
7.Jump up ^ Goldstein, Gregg (September 10, 2007). "Van Sant closes in on Milk tale". The Hollywood Reporter.
8.Jump up ^ Goldstein, Gregg (November 17, 2007). "Van Sant's 'Milk' a go for Jan.". The Hollywood Reporter.
9.Jump up ^ Garrett, Diane (November 18, 2007). "Van Sant's 'Milk' pours first". Variety. Retrieved November 26, 2008.
10.Jump up ^ Goldstein, Gregg; Borys Kit (December 5, 2007). "Hirsch, Franco, Brolin got 'Milk'". The Hollywood Reporter.
11.Jump up ^ Garrett, Diane (December 4, 2007). "Josh Brolin circles 'Milk' killer". Variety. Retrieved November 26, 2008.
12.Jump up ^ Gordon, Larry (2008-11-20). "On film and in exhibits, a full picture of Milk". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved 2012-03-10.
13.Jump up ^ Shapiro, Eddie (2008-12-01). "Remaking the Castro clone". OUT Magazine. Retrieved 2012-03-10.
14.Jump up ^ Kit, Borys (February 1, 2008). "'Milk' shoot does the Castro good". The Hollywood Reporter.
15.Jump up ^ Stein, Ruthe (March 18, 2008). "It's a wrap - 'Milk' filming ends in S.F.". San Francisco Chronicle. Retrieved November 26, 2008.
16.Jump up ^ Zeitchik, Steven (October 28, 2008). "Politics? Focus won't 'Milk' it". The Hollywood Reporter.
17.^ Jump up to: a b c "Milk". Christianity Today. Retrieved 2008-11-26.
18.Jump up ^ Lim, Dennis (November 26, 2008). "Harvey Would Have Opened It in October". Slate.com.
19.Jump up ^ Abramowitz, Rachel (November 25, 2008). "L.A. Film Festival director Richard Raddon resigns". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved December 3, 2008.
20.Jump up ^ "No MILK for Cinemark!". nomilkforcinemark.com. Retrieved December 4, 2008.
21.Jump up ^ http://www.boxofficeprophets.com/column/index.cfm?columnID=11142&cmin=10&columnpage=3%7CBox Office Prophets
22.Jump up ^ http://www.afterelton.com/movies/2008/2/whydidmilkgosour
23.Jump up ^ Milk DVD Release
24.Jump up ^ http://www.the-numbers.com/movies/2008/HMILK-DVD.php
25.^ Jump up to: a b "Milk (2008): Reviews". Metacritic. CNET Networks, Inc. Retrieved May 4, 2009.
26.Jump up ^ "Milk Movie Reviews". Rotten Tomatoes. IGN Entertainment, Inc. Retrieved May 4, 2009.
27.Jump up ^ McCarthy, Todd (November 2, 2008). "Review of Milk". Variety. Retrieved November 26, 2008.[dead link]
28.Jump up ^ Honeycutt, Kirk (November 2, 2008). "Film Review: Milk". The Hollywood Reporter. Retrieved November 26, 2008.[dead link]
29.Jump up ^ A. O. Scott (2008-11-26). "Movie Review — Milk". The New York Times.
30.Jump up ^ Rose-Colored Milk. By John Podhoretz. Weekly Standard. Published December 6, 2008. Accessed December 12, 2008.
31.Jump up ^ Boyle, Richard David, Local writer tells inside story of "Milk", Inland Valley Daily Bulletin, December 17, 2008
32.Jump up ^ Davies, Luke, Tales of the City: Gus Van Sant's "Milk", The Monthly, March 2009, No.43
33.^ Jump up to: a b c Goldstein, Patrick (December 11, 2008). "'Milk' star Sean Penn: Pal of anti-gay dictators?". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved December 21, 2008.
34.^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac ad ae af "Metacritic: 2008 Film Critic Top Ten Lists". Metacritic. Retrieved January 11, 2009.[dead link]
35.Jump up ^ David Poland (2008). "The 2008 Movie City News Top Ten Awards". Retrieved 2009-01-25.[dead link]
36.^ Jump up to: a b Jackson, Cherelle (April 9, 2009). "Samoa bans gay rights movie 'Milk'". The New Zealand Herald. Retrieved October 25, 2011.
37.^ Jump up to: a b "MILK Ban Unhealthy For Samoa", Pacific Freedom Forum press release, April 19, 2009
38.Jump up ^ "Film ban angers Samoan gay rights group", ABC Radio Australia, May 1, 2009
39.Jump up ^ "Samoa bans 'Milk' film", ABC Radio Australia, April 30, 2009
40.Jump up ^ "Country profile: Samoa", BBC, February 29, 2009
41.Jump up ^ Saito, Stephen (December 2, 2008). "The 2009 Spirit Award Nominations". ifc.com. Retrieved April 28, 2012.
42.Jump up ^ Independent Spirit Awards - Twenty-Six Years of Nominees & Winners
External links[edit]
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Milk (film).
Wikiquote has a collection of quotations related to: Milk (film)
Portal icon San Francisco Bay Area portal
Official website
Film's script
CineSource Article on Film Production in SF's Castro District
Milk at the Internet Movie Database
Milk at AllRovi
Milk at Box Office Mojo
Milk at Rotten Tomatoes
Milk at Metacritic
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Harvey Milk High School
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
This article needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (April 2009)
Coordinates: 40.730056°N 73.992748°W
Harvey Milk High School
Established
1985
Type
Public secondary, college
Affiliations
New York City Department of Education and Hetrick-Martin Institute
Principal
Daphne Perrini
Founder
Dr. Emery Hetrick and Dr. Damien Martin
Students
80 students[1]
Grades
9–12
Location
2–10 Astor Place,
New York City, New York, United States
Campus
Urban
Website
www.HMI.org
M586 at Schools.nyc.gov
Entrance to Harvey Milk High School
Harvey Milk High School is a public high school in the East Village of New York City designed for, though not limited to, gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender young people, as well as those questioning their sexuality. It is named after San Francisco, California supervisor Harvey Milk, the first openly gay man to be elected to office. Milk was assassinated along with San Francisco Mayor George Moscone on November 27, 1978.
Contents
[hide] 1 History
2 Mission statement and vision
3 Expansion
4 References in media 4.1 Print
4.2 Television
5 See also
6 Notes
7 External links
History[edit]
The school was originally run by the Hetrick-Martin Institute (HMI), an organization that provides social support to at-risk youth, especially non-heterosexuals. After becoming a fully accredited public school in 2002, the high school is now administered by the New York City Department of Education, separate from HMI. The school and the non-profit still share space in the same building, with Hetrick-Martin providing a majority of the school's arts and culture programming.
The school was founded in 1985 as a small, two-room program with just over a dozen students by HMI in collaboration with the New York City Department of Education's Career Education Center. The Department of Education administers the school and is responsible for admissions. Harvey Milk was created as an alternative education program for youth who find it difficult or impossible to attend their home schools due to threats, violence, or harassment.[citation needed]
Students must themselves apply to transfer to the high school, like other transfer schools in New York City. The school has a 92% graduation rate, far above the state average, and 60% of students attend institutions of higher learning.[citation needed]
Mission statement and vision[edit]
According to the schools mission statement and vision:
“ We envision a school where all students are challenged to question the world around them, to develop healthy, personal identities, to participate in meaningful civic and social experiences that will allow them to formulate and realize their educational and career goals. We seek to cultivate an inclusive, academic program emphasizing literacy, technology infusion, and life-long learning skills. With the support of the extensive services provided by The Hetrick-Martin Institute (HMI) and the involvement of our students' parents/guardians in the educational process, we envision all members in the school community to share accountability for the creation and maintenance of a safe, supportive, academically rigorous, and standards-driven learning environment.
Harvey Milk High School (HMHS) is a transfer high school open to all New York City students who are seeking an alternative educational experience from their current high schools while freely expressing individuality and identity. HMHS provides students a unique, small learning community in a safe, nurturing setting designed to support educational, social, and emotional development to prepare them for adulthood, college, and the world of work. The school offers students a rigorous academic experience aligned with New York State learning standards and expectations. HMHS uses critical thinking to incorporate our history, our life experiences, and the lessons from the world around us.
”
Expansion[edit]
HMHS came to national attention in 2002, when the Board of Education authorized a $3.2 million capital expansion of the school as one of its last acts prior to becoming a mayoral agency. At this time, the school also became a four-year, fully accredited high school.
The capital provided by the Board of Education allowed for the renovation of the school building. Enrollment jumped from 50 to 100 students. In 2003, “[t]he new school’s principal, William Salzman, said the school will be academically challenging and will follow mandatory English and math programs. It also will specialize in computer technology, arts and culinary arts.”[2]
State Conservative Party chairman Michael Long criticized the creation of the school as social engineering, asking, “Is there a different way to teach homosexuals? Is there gay math? This is wrong... There’s no reason these children should be treated separately.”[2]
Supporters contend that this school is a pragmatic solution, providing an alternative path to a diploma for students who are unable to succeed in a mainstream high school due to intolerance. Not all arguments against the school are divided along partisan lines. Independent mayor Michael Bloomberg supported the renovation of the school while Democratic N.Y. State Senator Rubén Díaz opposed it.
In 2004, the HMHS underwent a 17,000 square foot (1,600 m²) expansion and an increase to eight classrooms and 110 students.
References in media[edit]
Print[edit]
In Marvel Comics' Ultimate X-Men series, Northstar, one of Marvel's most prominent homosexual mutant superheroes, mentions his coming out experience and his mother trying to enroll him in the Harvey Milk School. He refused due to his belief that enrolling would only promote segregation of hetero- and homosexual students. Consequently, he refuses an offer by the X-Men to enroll at Professor Xavier's mutant school, the Xavier Institute for Higher Learning for similar reasons.[3]
Television[edit]
In the Law & Order: SVU Season 4 episode Fallacy, detective Olivia Benson and ADA Alexandra Cabot mention the school while discussing the situation of male-to-female transsexual Cheryl Avery.
See also[edit]
Portal icon New York City portal
Portal icon Schools portal
Portal icon LGBT portal
Education in New York City
Notes[edit]
1.Jump up ^ "Harvey Milk High School". New York City Department of Education. Retrieved 2011-03-28.
2.^ Jump up to: a b "First public gay high school to open in NYC". CNN. 29 July 2003. Archived from the original on September 12, 2005. Retrieved 2007-02-26.
3.Jump up ^ Brian K. Vaughn (w). Ultimate X-Men 46 (July, 2004), Marvel Comics
External links[edit]
NYC DOE Portal
"Classes open at gay high school" – CNN
Boston Phoenix synopsis of the school's role
"Queer High School Opens to Cheers and Jeers", The Indypendent, September 9, 2003
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Harvey Milk Day
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
Harvey Milk Day
Harvey Milk Day logo.png
Harvey Milk Day logo
Observed by
California, LGBT community and local municipalities
Date
May 22
Next time
22 May 2014
Frequency
annual
Related to
Harvey Milk and Harvey Milk Foundation
Harvey Milk Day is organized by the Harvey Milk Foundation and celebrated each year held May 22 in memory of Harvey Milk, a gay rights activist assassinated in 1978.
Contents
[hide] 1 California Day of Special Significance 1.1 Legislative history
2 See also
3 References
4 External links
California Day of Special Significance[edit]
In California, Harvey Milk Day is recognized by the state's government as a day of special significance for public schools.[1][2] The day was established by the California legislature and signed into law by Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger in 2009[3] following the success of the award-winning feature film Milk retracing Milk's life.[4][5]
Legislative history[edit]
Session
Short title
Bill number
Date introduced
Assembly
Senate
Governor
Status
Lead Author
Co-Authors
Sponsor
References
2007-2008 Harvey Milk Day AB 2567 February 22, 2008 Passed the Assembly 45-23 Passed in the Senate 22-13 Vetoed by the Governor on September 30, 2008 Died Assembly Member Mark Leno
Senators Christine Kehoe, Sheila Kuehl, and Carole Migden
Assembly Member John Laird
Speaker Fabian Núñez
Equality California (EQCA) [6]
2009-2010 Harvey Milk Day SB 572 February 27, 2009 Passed the Assembly 45-27 Passed in the Senate 25-12 Signed into Law by the Governor on October 11, 2009 Passed Senator Mark Leno
Senator Christine Kehoe
Assembly Members Tom Ammiano and John A. Pérez
Equality California (EQCA) [7]
See also[edit]
Portal icon San Francisco Bay Area portal
Portal icon LGBT portal
Portal icon Biography portal
National Coming Out Day
John Muir Day
Ronald Reagan Day
Malcolm X Day, celebrated just 3 days earlier on May 19
Susan B. Anthony Day
Rosa Parks Day
Martin Luther King, Jr. Day
Helen Keller Day
References[edit]
1.Jump up ^ Equality California: Legislature Approves Harvey Milk Day
2.Jump up ^ Kristin Weigle, Harvey Milk Day: Chapter 626 Gives a Controversial Figure's Birthday Special Significance for California Public Schools, 41 McGeorge Law Review 558 (2010)
3.Jump up ^ Thompson, Don (October 12, 2009). "Schwarzenegger creates day honoring Harvey Milk". Associated Press.
4.Jump up ^ Tran, Mark (October 13, 2009). "Arnold Schwarzenegger signs law establishing Harvey Milk Day: California governor's move honours Harvey Milk, gay politician shot dead in 1978". The Guardian (Guardian News and Media Limited). Retrieved 2010-11-06.
5.Jump up ^ "Gay Rights Activist Milk Honoured". BBC News (United Kingdom: BBC). October 12, 2009.
6.Jump up ^ 2008 "Legislation - AB 2567, Harvey Milk Day". California: Equality California (EQCA).
7.Jump up ^ 2009 "Legislation - SB 572, Harvey Milk Day". California: Equality California (EQCA).
External links[edit]
Harvey Milk Foundation
Official Harvey Milk Day Website
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Harvey Milk Foundation
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
Harvey Milk Foundation
Harvey Milk Foundation logo
Founded
2009
Founder(s)
Stuart Milk & Anne Kronenberg
Headquarters
United States
Key people
Desmond Tutu, Stuart Milk, Anne Kronenberg, Nancy Brinker, Bruce Cohen
Area served
Global
Focus(es)
LGBTQ
Method(s)
Public Education, Coalition Building, Scholarships, Public Events
Website
MilkFoundation.org
The Harvey Milk Foundation was founded in 2009 by Harvey Milk's nephew, Stuart Milk, and Harvey’s campaign manager and political aide, Anne Kronenberg, based on discussions held with the family and close Harvey allies[1] after Stuart received the Presidential Medal of Freedom earlier that year.[2][3] The organization continues to be headed by Stuart Milk and Anne Kronenberg[4] and operates on a small, mostly private donor based, budget.[3]
The Foundation's activities focus around encouraging local, regional, national and global organizations to learn and utilize Harvey Milk’s story, style, and coalition building technique; supporting LGBT youth; and promoting education that includes Harvey’s story and the LGBT community’s collective story.[1][3][5]
Contents
[hide] 1 Harvey Milk Day
2 Promoting Harvey Milk's Legacy 2.1 Harvey Milk stamp
2.2 Harvey Milk International Airport
3 International LGBT advocacy
4 References
5 External links
Harvey Milk Day[edit]
Main article: Harvey Milk Day
Harvey Milk Day is organized by the Harvey Milk Foundation and celebrated globally each year on Milk's birthday, May 22.[3]
In California, Harvey Milk Day is recognized as a day of special significance for public schools.[6][7] The day was established by Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger in 2009[8] following the success of the award-winning feature film Milk retracing Milk's life.[9][10]
Promoting Harvey Milk's Legacy[edit]
Harvey Milk stamp[edit]
An effort campaigning the US Postal Service to issue a stamp honoring Harvey Milk is supported by the Foundation and led by Michael Gaffney and Nicole Murray-Ramirez. The campaign has also received assistance from the National Gay and Lesbian Task Force and community leaders such as David Mixner, John Pérez, Reverend Troy Perry.[11]
Harvey Milk International Airport[edit]
The Foundation supported efforts by San Francisco Supervisor David Campos in early 2013 to rename San Francisco's airport in honor of Harvey Milk.[4] At the time, about 80 other US airports were named after individuals, none whom are gay.[12]
Supervisor Campos introduced a proposal on January 15, 2013 to put a ballot initiative renaming San Francisco International Airport as Harvey Milk San Francisco International Airport before voters in November 2013. To send the name change to voters, Campos needed the support of five other supervisors. Supervisor Scott Wiener, who represents the same area that Milk did, was a co-sponsor of the proposal.[12]
The change would cost between $50,000 and $250,000 to implement, and there are plans to solicit private donations to cover the costs.[12]
The proposal has been met with resistance by some community leaders and members of the LGBT media, leaving it without public support from the sixth supervisor necessary to put the proposal on the ballot. Supporters, including the Foundation, have held events and online actions to generate additional public support.[13]
International LGBT advocacy[edit]
In 2012, the Foundation brought together transgender leaders from five continents together for a panel at a global summit in Milan, Italy. The Foundation helped support the first LGBT pride parade through Taksim Square in Istanbul in 2008. During the parade, Turkish police aimed water cannons and assault rifles on the crowd.[3]
References[edit]
1.^ Jump up to: a b "Harvey Milk Foundation - About Us". Harvey Milk Foundation. Retrieved March, 30 2011.
2.Jump up ^ "Stuart Milk Headlines Fundraiser, MBA Gala". Watermark Online. 2012-04-11. Retrieved 2013-05-20.
3.^ Jump up to: a b c d e Hoff, Victor (2013-05-09). "Harvey Milk – his legacy lives on through the Harvey Milk Foundation". LGBT Weekly. Retrieved 2013-05-20.
4.^ Jump up to: a b Palmer, Waiyde (February 21, 2013). "Grassroot Push Underway to Rename SFO Harvey Milk Int’l: Website/Petition Launched, Rally Friday at City Hall". Castro Biscuit. Retrieved 2013-05-20.
5.Jump up ^ Bajko, Matthew (2012-05-17). "Milk foundation pushes LGBT education efforts". Bay Area Reporter. Retrieved 2013-05-20.
6.Jump up ^ Equality California: Legislature Approves Harvey Milk Day
7.Jump up ^ Kristin Weigle, Harvey Milk Day: Chapter 626 Gives a Controversial Figure's Birthday Special Significance for California Public Schools, 41 McGeorge Law Review 558 (2010)
8.Jump up ^ Thompson, Don (October 12, 2009). "Schwarzenegger creates day honoring Harvey Milk". Associated Press.
9.Jump up ^ Tran, Mark (October 13, 2009). "Arnold Schwarzenegger signs law establishing Harvey Milk Day: California governor's move honours Harvey Milk, gay politician shot dead in 1978". The Guardian (Guardian News and Media Limited). Retrieved 2010-11-06.
10.Jump up ^ "Gay Rights Activist Milk Honoured". BBC News (United Kingdom: BBC). October 12, 2009.
11.Jump up ^ "Harvey Milk Stamp Promoted". The Advocate. March 29, 2011. Retrieved 2013-05-20.
12.^ Jump up to: a b c Lagos, Marisa (January 15, 2013). "Campos wants Harvey Milk's name on SFO". San Francisco Chronicle. Retrieved 2013-05-20.
13.Jump up ^ Palmer, Waiyde (February 10, 2013). "UPDATE: Renaming SFO for Harvey Milk Hitting Serious Turbulence". Castro Biscuit. Retrieved 2013-05-20.
External links[edit]
Harvey Milk Foundation
Official Harvey Milk Day Website
Portal icon LGBT portal
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Harvey Milk
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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For other uses, see Harvey Milk (disambiguation).
Harvey Milk
A black and white photograph of Harvey Milk sitting at the mayor's desk
Milk in 1978
Member of the
San Francisco Board of Supervisors
from District 5
In office
January 8, 1978 – November 27, 1978
Preceded by
District Created
Succeeded by
Harry Britt
(appointed)
Constituency
The Castro,
Haight-Ashbury,
Duboce Triangle,
Noe Valley
Personal details
Born
Harvey Bernard Milk
May 22, 1930
Woodmere, New York
Died
November 27, 1978 (aged 48)
San Francisco, California
Nationality
American
Political party
Democratic
Residence
San Francisco
Alma mater
SUNY at Albany
Profession
Politician, business owner
Religion
Judaism
Military service
Allegiance
United States of America
Service/branch
United States Navy
Years of service
1951–1955
Rank
US-O2 insignia.svg Lieutenant, junior grade
Unit
USS Kittiwake (ASR-13)
Battles/wars
Korean War Era
Harvey Bernard Milk (May 22, 1930 – November 27, 1978) was an American politician who became the first openly gay person to be elected to public office in California when he won a seat on the San Francisco Board of Supervisors. Politics and gay activism were not his early interests; he was not open about his homosexuality and did not participate in civic matters until around the age of 40, after his experiences in the counterculture of the 1960s.
Milk moved from New York City to settle in San Francisco in 1972 amid a migration of gay men to the Castro District. He took advantage of the growing political and economic power of the neighborhood to promote his interests, and ran unsuccessfully for political office three times. His theatrical campaigns earned him increasing popularity, and Milk won a seat as a city supervisor in 1977, part of the broader social changes the city was experiencing.
Milk served almost 11 months in office and was responsible for passing a stringent gay rights ordinance for the city. On November 27, 1978, Milk and Mayor George Moscone were assassinated by Dan White, another city supervisor who had recently resigned but wanted his job back. Milk's election was made possible by and was a key component of a shift in San Francisco politics. The assassinations and the ensuing events were the result of continuing ideological conflicts in the city.
Despite his short career in politics, Milk became an icon in San Francisco and a martyr in the gay community.[note 1] In 2002, Milk was called "the most famous and most significantly open LGBT official ever elected in the United States".[1] Anne Kronenberg, his final campaign manager, wrote of him: "What set Harvey apart from you or me was that he was a visionary. He imagined a righteous world inside his head and then he set about to create it for real, for all of us."[2] Milk was posthumously awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom in 2009.
Contents
[hide] 1 Early life 1.1 Early career
1.2 Rise of Castro Street
1.3 Changing politics
2 Campaigns 2.1 Mayor of Castro Street
2.2 Serious candidate
2.3 Race for State Assembly
3 Broader historical forces 3.1 Just politics
3.2 Last campaign
4 Supervisor 4.1 Briggs Initiative
5 Assassination 5.1 "City in agony"
5.2 Trial
5.3 White Night riots
5.4 Aftermath
6 Legacy 6.1 Politics
6.2 Tributes and media
7 See also
8 Notes
9 Citations
10 Bibliography
11 Further reading
12 External links
Early life
A black and white photograph of two young children aged approximately six and three dressed as cowboys
Harvey (right) and his older brother Robert in 1934
Milk was born in Woodmere, New York, on Long Island, to William Milk and Minerva Karns. He was the younger son of Lithuanian Jewish parents and the grandson of Morris Milk, a department store owner[3][4] who helped to organize the first synagogue in the area.[5] As a child, Harvey was teased for his protruding ears, big nose, and oversized feet, and tended to grab attention as a class clown. He played football in school, and developed a passion for opera; in his teens, he acknowledged his homosexuality, but kept it a closely guarded secret. Under his name in the high school yearbook, it read, "Glimpy Milk—and they say WOMEN are never at a loss for words".[6]
Milk graduated from Bay Shore High School in Bay Shore, New York, in 1947 and attended New York State College for Teachers in Albany (now the State University of New York at Albany) from 1947 to 1951, majoring in mathematics. He wrote for the college newspaper and earned a reputation as a gregarious, friendly student. None of his friends in high school or college suspected that he was gay. As one classmate remembered, "He was never thought of as a possible queer—that's what you called them then—he was a man's man".[7]
Early career
After graduation, Milk joined the United States Navy during the Korean War. He served aboard the submarine rescue ship USS Kittiwake (ASR-13) as a diving officer. He later transferred to Naval Station, San Diego to serve as a diving instructor.[4] In 1955, he was discharged from the Navy at the rank of lieutenant, junior grade.[note 2]
A color photograph of Milk in his Dinner Dress Blue Navy uniform
Milk dressed for his brother's wedding in 1954
Milk's early career was marked by frequent changes; in later years he would take delight in talking about his metamorphosis from a middle-class Jewish boy. He began teaching at George W. Hewlett High School on Long Island.[8] In 1956, he met Joe Campbell, at the Jacob Riis Park beach, a popular location for gay men in Queens. Campbell was seven years younger than Milk, and Milk pursued him passionately. Even after they moved in together, Milk wrote Campbell romantic notes and poems.[9] Growing bored with their New York lives, they decided to move to Dallas, Texas, but they were unhappy there and moved back to New York, where Milk got a job as an actuarial statistician at an insurance firm.[10] Campbell and Milk separated after almost six years; it would be his longest relationship.
Milk tried to keep his early romantic life separate from his family and work. Once again bored and single in New York, he thought of moving to Miami to marry a lesbian friend to "have a front and each would not be in the way of the other".[10] However, he decided to remain in New York, where he secretly pursued gay relationships. In 1962 Milk became involved with Craig Rodwell, who was ten years younger. Though Milk courted Rodwell ardently, waking him every morning with a call and sending him notes, Milk was discouraged by Rodwell's involvement with the New York Mattachine Society, a gay activist organization. When Rodwell was arrested for walking in Riis Park, and charged with inciting a riot and with indecent exposure (the law required men's swimsuits to extend from above the navel to below the thigh), he spent three days in jail. The relationship soon ended as Milk became alarmed at Rodwell's tendency to agitate the police.[11][note 3]
Milk abruptly stopped working as an insurance actuary and became a researcher at the Wall Street firm Bache & Company. He was frequently promoted despite his tendency to offend the older members of the firm by ignoring their advice and flaunting his success. Although he was skilled at his job, co-workers sensed that Milk's heart was not in his work.[3] He started a romantic relationship with Jack Galen McKinley, and recruited him to work on conservative Republican Barry Goldwater's 1964 presidential campaign.[12] Their relationship was troubled: McKinley, 17 years younger than Milk, was prone to depression and frequently threatened to commit suicide if Milk did not show him enough attention.[13] To make a point to McKinley, Milk took him to the hospital where Milk's ex-lover, Joe Campbell, was himself recuperating from a suicide attempt, after his lover—a man named Billy Sipple—left him. Milk had remained friendly with Campbell, who had entered the avant-garde art scene in Greenwich Village, but Milk did not understand why Campbell's despondency was sufficient cause to consider suicide as an option.[14]
Rise of Castro Street
The Eureka Valley of San Francisco, where Market and Castro Streets intersect, had for decades been a blue-collar Irish Catholic neighborhood synonymous with the Most Holy Redeemer Parish (a few Lutherans of Scandinavian ancestry also lived in the neighborhood). Beginning in the late 1960s, however, young families left the neighborhood and moved to Bay Area suburbs, and the city's economic base eroded as factories moved to cheaper locations nearby and blue-collar port jobs relocated to Oakland. Mayor Joseph Alioto, proud of his working-class background and supporters, based his political career on welcoming developers to provide construction jobs and attracting a Roman Catholic Cardinal to the city. Many blue-collar workers—often Alioto supporters—lost their jobs as large corporations with service industry positions replaced factory and dry dock jobs. San Francisco, which had been "a city of villages", a decentralized city with ethnic enclaves that each surrounded its own main street, began a demographic change.[15]
As the downtown area developed, neighborhoods suffered, including Castro Street.[16] The Most Holy Redeemer Parish shops shut down, and houses were abandoned and shuttered.[17] In 1963, real estate prices plummeted when most of the working-class families tried to sell their houses quickly after a gay bar opened in the neighborhood. Hippies, attracted to the free love ideals of the Haight-Ashbury area but repulsed by its crime rate, bought some of the cheap Victorian houses. Beginning in the late 1960s, many San Francisco gays who were affluent began to move from the small apartments of the Polk Gulch area, San Francisco's primary gayborhood since the end of World War II, to the large cheap Victorians in the Castro neighborhood.
Since the end of World War II, the major port city of San Francisco had been home to a sizable number of gay men expelled from the military who had decided to stay rather than return to their hometowns and face ostracism.[18] By 1969 San Francisco had more gay people per capita than any other American city; when the National Institute of Mental Health asked the Kinsey Institute to survey homosexuals, the Institute chose San Francisco as its focus.[19] Milk and McKinley were among the thousands of gay men attracted to San Francisco. McKinley was a stage manager for Tom O'Horgan, a director who started his career in experimental theater, but soon graduated to much larger Broadway productions. They arrived in 1969 with the Broadway touring company of Hair. McKinley was offered a job in the New York City production of Jesus Christ Superstar, and their tempestuous relationship came to an end. The city appealed to Milk so much that he decided to stay, working at an investment firm. In 1970, increasingly frustrated with the political climate after the U.S. invasion of Cambodia, Milk let his hair grow long. When told to cut it, he refused and was fired.[20]
Milk drifted from California to Texas to New York, without a steady job or plan. In New York City he became involved with O'Horgan's theater company as a "general aide", signing on as associate producer for Lenny and for Eve Merriam's Inner City.[21][22] The time he had spent with the cast of flower children wore away much of Milk's conservatism. A contemporary New York Times story about O'Horgan described Milk as "a sad eyed man—another aging hippie with long, long hair, wearing faded jeans and pretty beads".[22] Craig Rodwell read the description of the formerly uptight man and wondered if it could be the same person.[23] One of Milk's Wall Street friends worried that he seemed to have no plan or future, but remembered Milk's attitude: "I think he was happier than at any time I had ever seen him in his entire life."[23]
Milk met Scott Smith, 18 years his junior, and began another relationship. Milk and Smith returned to San Francisco, where they lived on money they had saved.[23] In March 1973, after a roll of film Milk left at a local shop was ruined, he and Smith opened a camera store on Castro Street with their last $1,000.[24]
Changing politics
In the late 1960s, the Society for Individual Rights (SIR) and the Daughters of Bilitis (DOB) began to work against police persecution of gay bars and entrapment in San Francisco. Oral sex was still a felony, and in 1970, nearly 90 people in the city were arrested for it. Facing eviction if caught having homosexual sex in a rented apartment, and unwilling to face arrest in gay bars, some men turned to having sex in public parks at night. Mayor Alioto asked the police to target the parks, hoping the decision would appeal to the Archdiocese and his Catholic supporters. In 1971, 2,800 gay men were arrested for public sex in San Francisco. By comparison, New York City recorded only 63 arrests for the same offense that year.[25] Any arrest for a morals charge required registration as a sex offender.[26]
Congressman Phillip Burton, Assemblyman Willie Brown, and other California politicians recognized the growing clout and organization of homosexuals in the city, and courted their votes by attending meetings of gay and lesbian organizations. Brown pushed for legalization of sex between consenting adults in 1969 but failed.[27] SIR was also pursued by popular moderate Supervisor Dianne Feinstein in her bid to become mayor, opposing Alioto. Ex-policeman Richard Hongisto worked for ten years to change the conservative views of the San Francisco Police Department, and also actively appealed to the gay community, which responded by raising significant funds for his campaign for sheriff. Though Feinstein was unsuccessful, Hongisto's win in 1971 showed the political clout of the gay community.[28]
SIR had become powerful enough for political maneuvering. In 1971 SIR members Jim Foster, Rick Stokes, and Advocate publisher David Goodstein formed the Alice B. Toklas Memorial Democratic Club, known as simply "Alice". Alice befriended liberal politicians to persuade them to sponsor bills, proving successful in 1972 when Del Martin and Phyllis Lyon obtained Feinstein's support for an ordinance outlawing employment discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation. Alice chose Stokes to run for a relatively unimportant seat on the community college board. Though Stokes received 45,000 votes, he was quiet, unassuming, and did not win.[29] Foster, however, shot to national prominence by being the first openly gay man to address a political convention. His speech at the 1972 Democratic National Convention ensured that his voice, according to San Francisco politicians, was the one to be heard when they wanted the opinions, and especially the votes, of the gay community.[30]
Milk became more interested in political and civic matters when he was faced with civic problems and policies he disliked. One day in 1973, a state bureaucrat entered Milk's shop Castro Camera and informed him that he owed $100 as a deposit against state sales tax. Milk was incredulous and traded shouts with the man about the rights of business owners; after he complained for weeks at state offices, the deposit was reduced to $30. Milk fumed about government priorities when a teacher came into his store to borrow a projector because the equipment in the schools did not function. Friends also remember around the same time having to restrain him from kicking the television while Attorney General John N. Mitchell gave consistent "I don't recall" replies during the Watergate hearings.[31] Milk decided that the time had come to run for city supervisor. He said later, "I finally reached the point where I knew I had to become involved or shut up".[32]
Campaigns
A color photograph of Milk with long hair and handlebar mustache with his arm around his sister-in-law, both smiling and standing in front of a storefront window showing a portion of a campaign poster with Milk's photo and name
Milk, here with his sister-in-law in front of Castro Camera in 1973, had been changed by his experience with the counterculture of the 1960s. Dianne Feinstein, who first met him in 1973, did not recognize him when she met him again in 1978.[33]
Milk's reception by the gay political establishment in San Francisco was icy. Jim Foster, who had by then been active in gay politics for ten years, resented the newcomer's asking for his endorsement for a position as prestigious as city supervisor. Foster told Milk, "There's an old saying in the Democratic Party. You don't get to dance unless you put up the chairs. I've never seen you put up the chairs."[34] Milk was furious at the patronizing snub, and the conversation marked the beginning of an antagonistic relationship between the "Alice" Club and Harvey Milk. Some gay bar owners, still battling police harassment and unhappy with what they saw as a timid approach by Alice to established authority in the city, decided to endorse him.[35]
Though he had drifted through his life thus far, Milk found his vocation, according to journalist Frances FitzGerald, who called him a "born politician".[15] At first, his inexperience showed. He tried to do without money, support, or staff, and instead relied on his message of sound financial management, promoting individuals over large corporations and government.[15] He supported the reorganization of supervisor elections from a city-wide ballot to district ballots, which was intended to reduce the influence of money and give neighborhoods more control over their representatives in city government. He also ran on a socially liberal platform, opposing government interference in private sexual matters and favoring the legalization of marijuana. Milk's fiery, flamboyant speeches and savvy media skills earned him a significant amount of press during the 1973 election. He earned 16,900 votes—sweeping the Castro District and other liberal neighborhoods and coming in 10th place out of 32 candidates.[36] Had the elections been reorganized to allow districts to elect their own supervisors, he would have won.[37]
Mayor of Castro Street
Milk displayed an affinity for building coalitions from early in his political career. The Teamsters wanted to strike against beer distributors—Coors in particular[38]—who refused to sign the union contract. An organizer asked Milk for assistance with gay bars; in return, Milk asked the union to hire more gay drivers. A few days later, Milk canvassed the gay bars in and surrounding the Castro District, urging them to refuse to sell the beer. With the help of a coalition of Arab and Chinese grocers the Teamsters had also recruited, the boycott was successful.[39] Milk found a strong political ally in organized labor, and it was around this time that he began to style himself "The Mayor of Castro Street".[40] As Castro Street's presence grew, so did Milk's reputation. Tom O'Horgan remarked, "Harvey spent most of his life looking for a stage. On Castro Street he finally found it."[24]
Tensions between the older citizens of the Most Holy Redeemer Parish and the gays entering the Castro District were growing, however, and in 1973, when two gay men tried to open an antique shop, the Eureka Valley Merchants Association (EVMA) attempted to prevent them from receiving a business license. Milk and a few other gay business owners founded the Castro Village Association, with Milk as the president. He often repeated his philosophy that gays should buy from gay businesses. Milk organized the Castro Street Fair in 1974 to attract more customers to the area.[4] More than 5,000 attended, and some of the EVMA members were stunned; they did more business at the Castro Street Fair than on any previous day.[41]
Serious candidate
Although he was a newcomer to the Castro District, Milk had shown leadership in the small community. He was starting to be taken seriously as a candidate and decided to run again for supervisor in 1975. He reconsidered his approach and cut his long hair, swore off marijuana, and vowed never to visit another gay bathhouse again.[42] Milk's campaigning earned the support of the teamsters, firefighters, and construction unions. Castro Camera became the center of activity in the neighborhood. Milk would often pull people off the street to work his campaigns for him—many discovered later that they just happened to be the type of men Milk found attractive.[43]
Milk favored support for small businesses and the growth of neighborhoods.[44] Since 1968, Mayor Alioto had been luring large corporations to the city despite what critics labeled "the Manhattanization of San Francisco".[45] As blue-collar jobs were replaced by the service industry, Alioto's weakened political base allowed for new leadership to be voted into office in the city. George Moscone was elected mayor. Moscone had been instrumental in repealing the sodomy law earlier that year in the California State Legislature. He acknowledged Milk's influence in his election by visiting Milk's election night headquarters, thanking Milk personally, and offering him a position as a city commissioner. Milk came in seventh place in the election, only one position away from earning a supervisor seat.[46] Liberal politicians held the offices of the mayor, district attorney, and sheriff.
Despite the new leadership in the city, there were still conservative strongholds. One of Moscone's first acts as mayor was appointing a police chief to the embattled San Francisco Police Department (SFPD). He chose Charles Gain, against the wishes of the SFPD. Most of the force disliked Gain for criticizing the police in the press for racial insensitivity and alcohol abuse on the job, instead of working within the command structure to change attitudes.[note 4] By request of the mayor, Gain made it clear that gay police officers would be welcomed in the department; this became national news. Police under Gain expressed their hatred of him, and of the mayor for betraying them.[47]
Race for State Assembly
Keeping his promise to Milk, newly elected Mayor George Moscone appointed him to the Board of Permit Appeals in 1976, making him the first openly gay city commissioner in the United States. Milk, however, considered seeking a position in the California State Assembly. The district was weighted heavily in his favor, as much of it was based in neighborhoods surrounding Castro Street, where Milk's sympathizers voted. In the previous race for supervisor, Milk received more votes than the currently seated assemblyman. However, Moscone had made a deal with the assembly speaker that another candidate should run—Art Agnos.[48] Furthermore, by order of the mayor, neither appointed nor elected officials were allowed to run a campaign while performing their duties.[49]
A black and white photograph of Milk in a suit with short hair speaking with three longshoremen standing by San Francisco Bay
By the time of Milk's 1975 campaign, he had decided to cut his hair and wear suits. Here, Milk (far right) is campaigning with longshoremen in San Francisco during his 1976 race for the California State Assembly.
Milk spent five weeks on the Board of Permit Appeals before Moscone was forced to fire him when he announced he would run for the California State Assembly. Rick Stokes replaced him. Milk's firing, and the backroom deal made between Moscone, the assembly speaker, and Agnos, fueled his campaign as he took on the identity of a political underdog.[50] He railed that high officers in the city and state governments were against him. He complained that the prevailing gay political establishment, particularly the Alice B. Toklas Memorial Democratic Club, were shutting him out; he referred to Jim Foster and Stokes as gay "Uncle Toms".[15] He enthusiastically embraced a local independent weekly magazine's headline: "Harvey Milk vs. The Machine".[4]
Milk's role as a representative of San Francisco's gay community expanded during this period. On September 22, 1975, President Gerald Ford, while visiting San Francisco, walked from his hotel to his car. In the crowd, Sara Jane Moore raised a gun to shoot him. A former Marine who had been walking by grabbed her arm as the gun discharged toward the pavement.[51][52] The bystander was Oliver "Bill" Sipple, who had left Milk's ex-lover Joe Campbell years before, prompting Campbell's suicide attempt. The national spotlight was on him immediately. On psychiatric disability leave from the military, Sipple refused to call himself a hero and did not want his sexuality disclosed.[53] Milk, however, took advantage of the opportunity to illustrate his cause that public perception of gay people would be improved if they came out of the closet. He told a friend: "It's too good an opportunity. For once we can show that gays do heroic things, not just all that ca-ca about molesting children and hanging out in bathrooms."[54] Milk contacted a newspaper.[55]
Several days later Herb Caen, a columnist at The San Francisco Chronicle, exposed Sipple as gay and a friend of Milk's. The announcement was picked up by national newspapers, and Milk's name was included in many of the stories. Time magazine named Milk as a leader in San Francisco's gay community.[53] Sipple, however, was besieged by reporters, as was his family. His mother, a staunch Baptist in Detroit, now refused to speak to him. Although he had been involved with the gay community for years, even participating in Gay Pride events, Sipple sued the Chronicle for invasion of privacy.[56] President Ford sent Sipple a note of thanks for saving his life.[55] Milk said that Sipple's sexual orientation was the reason he received only a note, rather than an invitation to the White House.[55][note 5]
Milk's continuing campaign, run from the storefront of Castro Camera, was a study in disorganization. Although the older Irish grandmothers and gay men who volunteered were plentiful and happy to send out mass mailings, Milk's notes and volunteer lists were kept on scrap papers. Any time the campaign required funds, the money came from the cash register without any consideration for accounting.[50] The campaign manager's assistant was an 11-year-old neighborhood girl who joyfully ordered the volunteers to work.[57] Milk himself was hyperactive and prone to fantastic outbursts of temper, only to recover quickly and shout excitedly about something else. Many of his rants were directed at his lover, Scott Smith, who was becoming disillusioned with the man who was no longer the laid-back hippie he had fallen in love with.[50]
If the candidate was manic, he was also dedicated and filled with good humor, and he had a particular genius for getting media attention.[58] He spent long hours registering voters and shaking hands at bus stops and movie theater lines. He took whatever opportunity came along to promote himself. He thoroughly enjoyed campaigning, and his success was evident.[15] With the large numbers of volunteers, he had dozens at a time stand along the busy thoroughfare of Market Street as human billboards, holding "Milk for Assembly" signs while commuters drove into the heart of the city to work.[59] He distributed his campaign literature anywhere he could, including among one of the most influential political groups in the city, the Peoples Temple. Milk's volunteers took thousands of brochures there, but came back with feelings of apprehension. Because the Peoples Temple leader, Jim Jones, was politically powerful in San Francisco (and supported both candidates), Milk allowed Temple members to work his phones, and later spoke at the Temple and defended Jones.[note 6] But to his volunteers, he said: "Make sure you're always nice to the Peoples Temple. If they ask you to do something, do it, and then send them a note thanking them for asking you to do it. They're weird and they're dangerous, and you never want to be on their bad side."[60]
The race was close, and Milk lost by fewer than 4,000 votes.[61] Agnos, however, taught Milk a valuable lesson when he criticized Milk's campaign speeches as "a downer ... You talk about how you're gonna throw the bums out, but how are you gonna fix things—other than beat me? You shouldn't leave your audience on a down."[62] In the wake of his loss, Milk, realizing that the Toklas Club would never support him politically, co-founded the San Francisco Gay Democratic Club.[63]
Broader historical forces
The fledgling gay rights movement had yet to meet organized opposition in the U.S. In 1977 a few well-connected gay activists in Miami, Florida were able to pass a civil rights ordinance that made discrimination based on sexual orientation illegal in Dade County. A well-organized group of conservative fundamentalist Christians responded, headed by singer Anita Bryant. Their campaign was titled Save Our Children, and Bryant claimed the ordinance infringed her right to teach her children Biblical morality.[64] Bryant and the campaign gathered 64,000 signatures to put the issue to a county-wide vote. With funds raised in part by the Florida Citrus Commission, for which Bryant was the spokeswoman, they ran television advertisements that contrasted the Orange Bowl Parade with San Francisco's Gay Freedom Day Parade, stating that Dade County would be turned into a "hotbed of homosexuality" where "men ... cavort with little boys".[65][note 7]
Jim Foster, then the most powerful political organizer in San Francisco, went to Miami to assist gay activists there as election day neared, and a nationwide boycott of orange juice was organized. The message of the Save Our Children campaign was influential, and the result was an overwhelming defeat for gay activists; in the largest turnout in any special election in the history of Dade County, 70% voted to repeal the law.[66]
Just politics
Christian conservatives were inspired by their victory, and saw an opportunity for a new, effective political cause. Gay activists were shocked to see how little support they received. An impromptu demonstration of over 3,000 Castro residents formed the night of the Dade County ordinance vote. Gay men and lesbians were simultaneously angry, chanting "Out of the bars and into the streets!", and elated at their passionate and powerful response. The San Francisco Examiner reported that members of the crowd pulled others out of bars along Castro and Polk Streets to "deafening" cheers.[67] Milk led marchers that night on a five-mile (8 km) course through the city, constantly moving, aware that if they stopped for too long there would be a riot. He declared, "This is the power of the gay community. Anita's going to create a national gay force."[67][68] Activists had little time to recover, however, as the scenario replayed itself when civil rights ordinances were overturned by voters in Saint Paul, Minnesota; Wichita, Kansas; and Eugene, Oregon, throughout 1977 and into 1978.
California State Senator John Briggs saw an opportunity in the Christian fundamentalists' campaign. He was hoping to be elected governor of California in 1978, and was impressed with the voter turnout he saw in Miami. When Briggs returned to Sacramento, he wrote a bill that would ban gays and lesbians from teaching in public schools throughout California. Briggs claimed in private that he had nothing against gays, telling gay journalist Randy Shilts, "It's politics. Just politics."[69] Random attacks on gays rose in the Castro. When the police response was considered inadequate, groups of gays patrolled the neighborhood themselves, on alert for attackers.[70] On June 21, 1977, a gay man named Robert Hillsborough died from 15 stab wounds while his attackers gathered around him and chanted "Faggot!" Both Mayor Moscone and Hillsborough's mother blamed Anita Bryant and John Briggs.[71][72] One week prior to the incident, Briggs had held a press conference at San Francisco City Hall where he called the city a "sexual garbage heap" because of homosexuals.[73] Weeks later, 250,000 people attended the 1977 San Francisco Gay Freedom Day Parade, the largest attendance at any Gay Pride event to that point.[74]
In November 1976, voters in San Francisco decided to reorganize supervisor elections to choose supervisors from neighborhoods instead of voting for them in city-wide ballots. Harvey Milk quickly qualified as the leading candidate in District 5, surrounding Castro Street.[75]
Last campaign
"The nongay community has mostly accepted it. What San Francisco is today, and what it is becoming, reflects both the energy and organization of the gay community and its developing effort toward integration in the political processes of the American city best known for innovation in life styles."
The New York Times, November, 1977[76]
Anita Bryant's public campaign opposing homosexuality and the multiple challenges to gay rights ordinances across the United States fueled gay politics in San Francisco. Seventeen candidates from the Castro District entered the next race for supervisor; more than half of them were gay. The New York Times ran an exposé on the veritable invasion of gay people into San Francisco, estimating that the city's gay population was between 100,000 and 200,000 out of a total 750,000.[76] The Castro Village Association had grown to 90 businesses; the local bank, formerly the smallest branch in the city, had become the largest and was forced to build a wing to accommodate its new customers.[77] Milk biographer Randy Shilts noted that "broader historical forces" were fueling his campaign.[78]
Milk's most successful opponent was the quiet and thoughtful lawyer Rick Stokes, who was backed by the Alice B. Toklas Memorial Democratic Club. Stokes had been open about his homosexuality long before Milk had, and had experienced more severe treatment, once hospitalized and forced to endure electroshock therapy to cure him.[79] Milk, however, was more expressive about the role of gay people and their issues in San Francisco politics. Stokes was quoted saying, "I'm just a businessman who happens to be gay," and expressed the view that any normal person could also be homosexual. Milk's contrasting populist philosophy was relayed to The New York Times: "We don't want sympathetic liberals, we want gays to represent gays ... I represent the gay street people—the 14-year-old runaway from San Antonio. We have to make up for hundreds of years of persecution. We have to give hope to that poor runaway kid from San Antonio. They go to the bars because churches are hostile. They need hope! They need a piece of the pie!"[76]
Other causes were also important to Milk: he promoted larger and less expensive child care facilities, free public transportation, and the development of a board of civilians to oversee the police.[3] He advanced important neighborhood issues at every opportunity. Milk used the same manic campaign tactics as in previous races: human billboards, hours of handshaking, and dozens of speeches calling on gay people to have hope. This time, even The San Francisco Chronicle endorsed him for supervisor.[80] He won by 30% against sixteen other candidates, and after his victory became apparent, he arrived on Castro Street on the back of his campaign manager's motorcycle—escorted by Sheriff Richard Hongisto—to what a newspaper story described as a "tumultuous and moving welcome".[81]
Milk had recently taken a new lover, a young man named Jack Lira, who was frequently drunk in public, and just as often escorted out of political events by Milk's aides.[82] Since the race for the California State Assembly, Milk had been receiving increasingly violent death threats.[83] Concerned that his raised profile marked him as a target for assassination, he recorded on tape his thoughts, and whom he wanted to succeed him if he were killed,[84] adding: "If a bullet should enter my brain, let that bullet destroy every closet door".[85]
Supervisor
Milk's swearing-in made national headlines, as he became the first non-incumbent openly gay man in the United States to win an election for public office.[86][note 8] He likened himself to pioneering African American baseball player Jackie Robinson[87] and walked to City Hall arm in arm with Jack Lira, stating "You can stand around and throw bricks at Silly Hall or you can take it over. Well, here we are."[88] The Castro District was not the only neighborhood to promote someone new to city politics. Sworn in with Milk were also a single mother (Carol Ruth Silver), a Chinese American (Gordon Lau), and an African American woman (Ella Hill Hutch)—all firsts for the city. Daniel White, a former police officer and firefighter, was also a first-time supervisor, and he spoke of how proud he was that his grandmother was able to see him sworn in.[86][89]
Milk's energy, affinity for pranking, and unpredictability at times exasperated Board of Supervisors President Dianne Feinstein. In his first meeting with Mayor Moscone, Milk called himself the "number one queen" and dictated to Moscone that he would have to go through Milk instead of the Alice B. Toklas Memorial Democratic Club if he wanted the city's gay votes—a quarter of San Francisco's voting population.[90] However, Milk also became Moscone's closest ally on the Board of Supervisors.[91] The biggest targets of Milk's ire were large corporations and real estate developers. He fumed when a parking garage was slated to take the place of homes near the downtown area, and tried to pass a commuter tax so office workers who lived outside the city and drove into work would have to pay for city services they used.[92] Milk was often willing to vote against Feinstein and other more tenured members of the board. In one controversy early in his term, Milk agreed with fellow Supervisor Dan White, whose district was located two miles south of the Castro, that a mental health facility for troubled adolescents should not be placed there. After Milk learned more about the facility, he decided to switch his vote, ensuring White's loss on the issue—a particularly poignant cause that White championed while campaigning. White did not forget it. He opposed every initiative and issue Milk supported.[93]
Milk began his tenure by sponsoring a civil rights bill that outlawed discrimination based on sexual orientation. The ordinance was called the "most stringent and encompassing in the nation", and its passing demonstrated "the growing political power of homosexuals", according to The New York Times.[94] Only Supervisor White voted against it; Mayor Moscone enthusiastically signed it into law with a light blue pen that Milk had given him for the occasion.[95]
Another bill Milk concentrated on was designed to solve the number one problem according to a recent citywide poll: dog excrement. Within a month of being sworn in, he began to work on a city ordinance to require dog owners to scoop their pets' feces. Dubbed the "pooper scooper law", its authorization by the Board of Supervisors was covered extensively by television and newspapers in San Francisco. Anne Kronenberg, Milk's campaign manager, called him "a master at figuring out what would get him covered in the newspaper".[96] He invited the press to Duboce Park to explain why it was necessary, and while cameras were rolling, stepped in the offending substance, seemingly by mistake. His staffers, however, knew he had been at the park for an hour before the press conference looking for the right place to walk in front of the cameras.[97] It earned him the most fan mail of his tenure in politics and went out on national news releases.
Milk had grown tired of Lira's drinking and considered breaking up with him when Lira called a few weeks later and demanded Milk come home. When Milk arrived, he found Lira had hanged himself. Already prone to severe depression, Lira had attempted suicide previously. One of the longest notes he left for Milk indicated he was upset about the Anita Bryant and John Briggs campaigns.[98]
Briggs Initiative
Further information: Briggs Initiative
John Briggs was forced to drop out of the 1978 race for California governor, but received enthusiastic support for Proposition 6, dubbed the Briggs Initiative. The proposed law would have made firing gay teachers—and any public school employees who supported gay rights—mandatory. Briggs' messages supporting Proposition 6 were pervasive throughout California, and Harvey Milk attended every event Briggs hosted. Milk campaigned against the bill throughout the state as well,[99] and swore that even if Briggs won California, he would not win San Francisco.[100] In their numerous debates, which toward the end had been honed to quick back-and-forth banter, Briggs maintained that homosexual teachers wanted to abuse and recruit children. Milk responded with statistics compiled by law enforcement that provided evidence that pedophiles identified primarily as heterosexual, and dismissed Briggs' assertions with one-liner jokes: "If it were true that children mimicked their teachers, you'd sure have a helluva lot more nuns running around".[101]
Attendance at Gay Pride marches during the summer of 1978 in Los Angeles and San Francisco swelled. An estimated 250,000 to 375,000 attended San Francisco's Gay Freedom Day Parade; newspapers claimed the higher numbers were due to John Briggs.[102] Organizers asked participants to carry signs indicating their hometowns for the cameras, to show how far people came to live in the Castro District. Milk rode in an open car carrying a sign saying "I'm from Woodmere, N.Y."[103] He gave a version of what became his most famous speech, the "Hope Speech", that The San Francisco Examiner said "ignited the crowd":[102]
On this anniversary of Stonewall, I ask my gay sisters and brothers to make the commitment to fight. For themselves, for their freedom, for their country ... We will not win our rights by staying quietly in our closets ... We are coming out to fight the lies, the myths, the distortions. We are coming out to tell the truths about gays, for I am tired of the conspiracy of silence, so I'm going to talk about it. And I want you to talk about it. You must come out. Come out to your parents, your relatives.[104]
Despite the losses in battles for gay rights across the country that year, he remained optimistic, saying "Even if gays lose in these initiatives, people are still being educated. Because of Anita Bryant and Dade County, the entire country was educated about homosexuality to a greater extent than ever before. The first step is always hostility, and after that you can sit down and talk about it."[84]
Citing the potential infringements on individual rights, former governor of California Ronald Reagan voiced his opposition to the proposition, as did Governor Jerry Brown and President Jimmy Carter, the latter in an afterthought following a speech he gave in Sacramento.[96][105] On November 7, 1978, the proposition lost by more than a million votes, astounding gay activists on election night. In San Francisco, 75 percent voted against it.[105]
Assassination
Further information: Moscone–Milk assassinations
On November 10, 1978, 10 months after being sworn in, White resigned his position on the San Francisco Board of Supervisors, claiming that his annual salary of $9,600 was not enough to support his family.[106] Milk was also feeling the pinch of the decrease in income when he and Scott Smith were forced to close Castro Camera a month before.[note 9] Within days, White requested that his resignation be withdrawn and he be reinstated, and Mayor Moscone initially agreed.[107][108] However, further consideration—and intervention by other supervisors—convinced the mayor to appoint someone more in line with the growing ethnic diversity of White's district and the liberal leanings of the Board of Supervisors.[109] On November 18, news broke of the murder of California Representative Leo Ryan, who was in Jonestown, Guyana to check on the remote community built by members of the Peoples Temple who had relocated from San Francisco. The next day came news of the mass suicide of members of the Peoples Temple. Horror came in degrees as San Franciscans learned more than 400 Jonestown residents were dead.[110] Dan White remarked to two aides who were working for his reinstatement, "You see that? One day I'm on the front page and the next I'm swept right off."[111] Soon the number of dead in Guyana topped 900.[112]
Moscone planned to announce White's replacement days later, on November 27, 1978.[113] A half hour before the press conference, White entered City Hall through a basement window to avoid metal detectors, and made his way to Moscone's office. Witnesses heard shouting between White and Moscone, then gunshots. White shot the mayor in the shoulder and chest, then twice in the head after Moscone had fallen on the floor.[114] White then quickly walked to his former office, reloading his police-issue revolver with hollow-point bullets along the way, and intercepted Milk, asking him to step inside for a moment. Dianne Feinstein heard gunshots and called the police. She found Milk face down on the floor, shot five times, including twice in the head at close range. After identifying both bodies, Feinstein was shaking so badly she required support from the police chief.[113][note 10] It was she who announced to the press, "Today San Francisco has experienced a double tragedy of immense proportions. As President of the Board of Supervisors, it is my duty to inform you that both Mayor Moscone and Supervisor Harvey Milk have been shot and killed," then adding after being drowned out by shouts of disbelief, "and the suspect is Supervisor Dan White."[96][113] Milk was 48 years old. Moscone was 49.
Within an hour, White called his wife from a nearby diner; she met him at a church and escorted him to the police, where White turned himself in. Many residents left flowers on the steps of City Hall. That evening, a spontaneous gathering began to form on Castro Street, moving toward City Hall in a candlelight vigil. Their numbers were estimated between 25,000 and 40,000, spanning the width of Market Street, extending the mile and a half (2.4 km) from Castro Street. The next day, the bodies of Moscone and Milk were brought to the City Hall rotunda where mourners paid their respects.[108] Six thousand mourners attended a service for Mayor Moscone at St. Mary's Cathedral. Two memorials were held for Milk; a small one at Temple Emanu-El and a more boisterous one at the Opera House.[115]
"City in agony"
A reproduction of the top front page of the San Francisco Examiner on November 28, 1978. At the top is a black banner with white lettering reading "A city in agony: Full story of the City Hall murders". Below that the large headline reads "White Charged—Faces Death", then the banner of the name of the newspaper
The headline of The San Francisco Examiner on November 28, 1978 announced Dan White was charged with first-degree murder, and eligible for the death penalty.
Moscone had recently increased security at City Hall in the wake of the Jonestown suicides. Survivors from Guyana recounted drills for suicide preparations that Jones called "White Nights".[116] Rumors about Moscone's and Milk's murders were fueled by the coincidence of Dan White's name and Jones' suicide preparations. A stunned District Attorney called the assassinations so close to the news about Jonestown "incomprehensible", but denied any connection.[108] Governor Jerry Brown ordered all flags in California to be flown at half staff, and called Milk a "hard-working and dedicated supervisor, a leader of San Francisco's gay community, who kept his promise to represent all his constituents".[117] President Jimmy Carter expressed his shock at both murders and sent his condolences. Speaker of the California Assembly Leo McCarthy called it "an insane tragedy".[117] "A City in Agony" topped the headlines in The San Francisco Examiner the day after the murders; inside the paper stories of the assassinations under the headline "Black Monday" were printed back to back with updates of bodies being shipped home from Guyana. An editorial describing "A city with more sadness and despair in its heart than any city should have to bear" went on to ask how such tragedies could occur, particularly to "men of such warmth and vision and great energies".[118] Dan White was charged with two counts of murder and held without bail, eligible for the death penalty owing to the recent passage of a statewide proposition that allowed death or life in prison for the murder of a public official.[119] One analysis of the months surrounding the murders called 1978 and 1979 "the most emotionally devastating years in San Francisco's fabulously spotted history".[120]
The 32-year-old White, who had been in the Army during the Vietnam War, had run on a tough anti-crime platform in his district. Colleagues declared him a high-achieving "all-American boy".[109] He was to have received an award the next week for rescuing a woman and child from a 17-story burning building when he was a firefighter in 1977. Though he was the only supervisor to vote against Milk's gay rights ordinance earlier that year, he had been quoted as saying, "I respect the rights of all people, including gays".[109] Milk and White at first got along well. One of White's political aides (who was gay) remembered, "Dan had more in common with Harvey than he did with anyone else on the board".[121] White had voted to support a center for gay seniors, and to honor Phyllis Lyon and Del Martin's 25th anniversary and pioneering work.[121]
"The plaque covering Milk's ashes reads, in part: [Harvey Milk's] camera store and campaign headquarters at 575 Castro Street and his apartment upstairs were centers of community activism for a wide range of human rights, environmental, labor, and neighborhood issues. Harvey Milk's hard work and accomplishments on behalf of all San Franciscans earned him widespread respect and support. His life is an inspiration to all people committed to equal opportunity and an end to bigotry.[122]
After Milk's vote for the mental health facility in White's district, however, White refused to speak with Milk and only communicated with one of Milk's aides. Other acquaintances remembered White as very intense. "He was impulsive ... He was an extremely competitive man, obsessively so ... I think he could not take defeat," San Francisco's assistant fire chief told reporters.[123] White's first campaign manager quit in the middle of the campaign, and told a reporter that White was an egotist and it was clear that he was antigay, though he denied it in the press.[124] White's associates and supporters described him "as a man with a pugilistic temper and an impressive capacity for nurturing a grudge".[124] The aide who had handled communications between White and Milk remembered, "Talking to him, I realized that he saw Harvey Milk and George Moscone as representing all that was wrong with the world".[125]
When Milk's friends looked in his closet for a suit for his casket, they learned how much he had been affected by the recent decrease in his income as a supervisor. All of his clothes were coming apart; all of his socks had holes.[126] He was cremated and his ashes were split, most of them scattered in San Francisco Bay by his closest friends. Some of them were encapsulated and buried beneath the sidewalk in front of 575 Castro Street, where Castro Camera had been located. Harry Britt, one of four people Milk listed on his tape as an acceptable replacement should he be assassinated, was chosen to fill that position by the city's acting mayor, Dianne Feinstein.[127]
Trial
Further information: Dan White and Twinkie defense
Dan White's arrest and trial caused a sensation, and illustrated severe tensions between the liberal population and the city police. The San Francisco Police were mostly working-class Irish descendants who intensely disliked the growing gay immigration, as well as the liberal direction of the city government. After White turned himself in and confessed, he sat in his cell while his former colleagues on the police force told Harvey Milk jokes; police openly wore "Free Dan White" T-shirts in the days after the murder.[128] An undersheriff for San Francisco later stated: "The more I observed what went on at the jail, the more I began to stop seeing what Dan White did as the act of an individual and began to see it as a political act in a political movement."[129] White showed no remorse for his actions, and only exhibited vulnerability during an eight-minute call to his mother from jail.[130]
The seated jury for White's trial consisted of white middle-class San Franciscans who were mostly Catholic; gays and ethnic minorities were excused from the jury pool.[131] The jury was clearly sympathetic to the defendant: some of the members cried when they heard White's tearful recorded confession, at the end of which the interrogator thanked White for his honesty.[132] White's defense attorney, Doug Schmidt, argued that he was not responsible for his actions, using the legal defense known as diminished capacity: "Good people, fine people, with fine backgrounds, simply don't kill people in cold blood."[133] Schmidt tried to prove that White's anguished mental state was a result of manipulation by the politicos in City Hall who had consistently disappointed and confounded him, finally promising to give his job back only to refuse him again. Schmidt said that White's mental deterioration was demonstrated and exacerbated by his junk food binge the night before the murders, since he was usually known to have been health-food conscious.[134] Area newspapers quickly dubbed it the Twinkie defense. White was acquitted of the first degree murder charge on May 21, 1979, but found guilty of voluntary manslaughter of both victims, and he was sentenced to serve seven and two-thirds years. With the sentence reduced for time served and good behavior, he would be released in five.[135] He cried when he heard the verdict.[136]
White Night riots
Further information: White Night riots
A black and white photograph of dozens of people standing in silhouette with City Hall in the background; something is on fire and smoke is obscuring part of the building
Rioters outside San Francisco City Hall, May 21, 1979, reacting to the voluntary manslaughter verdict for Dan White.
Acting Mayor Feinstein, Supervisor Carol Ruth Silver, and Milk's successor Harry Britt condemned the jury's decision. When it was announced over the police radio in the city, someone sang "Danny Boy" on the police band.[137] A surge of people from the Castro District walked again to City Hall, chanting "Avenge Harvey Milk" and "He got away with murder".[96][138] Pandemonium rapidly escalated as rocks were hurled at the front doors of the building. Milk's friends and aides tried to stop the destruction, but the mob of more than 3,000 ignored them and lit police cars on fire. They shoved a burning newspaper dispenser through the broken doors of City Hall, then cheered as the flames grew.[139] One of the rioters responded to a reporter's question about why they were destroying parts of the city: "Just tell people that we ate too many Twinkies. That's why this is happening."[70] The chief of police ordered the police not to retaliate, but to hold their ground.[140] The White Night riots, as they became known, lasted several hours.
Later that evening, May 21, 1979, several police cruisers filled with officers wearing riot gear arrived at the Elephant Walk Bar on Castro Street. Harvey Milk's protégé Cleve Jones and a reporter for the San Francisco Chronicle, Warren Hinckle, watched as officers stormed into the bar and began to beat patrons at random. After a 15-minute melee, they left the bar and struck out at people walking along the street.[18][141] The chief of police finally ordered the officers out of the neighborhood. By morning, 61 police officers and 100 rioters and gay residents of the Castro had been hospitalized. City Hall, police cruisers, and the Elephant Walk Bar suffered damages in excess of $1,000,000.
After the verdict, the District Attorney Joseph Freitas faced a furious gay community to explain what had gone wrong. The prosecutor admitted to feeling sorry for White before the trial, and neglected to ask the interrogator who recorded White's confession (and who was a childhood friend of White's and his police softball team coach) about his biases and the support White received from the police because, he said, he did not want to embarrass the detective in front of his family in court.[132][142] Nor did Freitas question White's frame of mind, lack of a history of mental illness, or bring into evidence city politics, suggesting that revenge may have been a motive. Supervisor Carol Ruth Silver testified on the last day of the trial that White and Milk were not friendly, yet she had contacted the prosecutor and insisted on testifying. It was the only testimony the jury heard about their strained relationship.[143] Freitas blamed the jury whom he claimed had been "taken in by the whole emotional aspect of [the] trial".[135]
Aftermath
Milk's and Moscone's murders and White's trial changed city politics and the California legal system. In 1980 San Francisco ended district supervisor elections, fearing that a Board of Supervisors so divisive would be harmful to the city, and that they had been a factor in the assassinations. A grassroots neighborhood effort to restore district elections in the mid-1990s proved successful, and the city returned to neighborhood representatives in 2000.[144] As a result of Dan White's trial, California voters changed the law to reduce the likelihood of acquittals of accused who knew what they were doing but claimed their capacity was impaired.[134] Diminished capacity was abolished as a defense to a charge, but courts allowed evidence of it when deciding whether to incarcerate, commit, or otherwise punish a convicted defendant.[145] The "Twinkie defense" has entered American mythology, popularly described as a case where a murderer escapes justice because he binged on junk food, simplifying White's lack of political savvy, his relationships with George Moscone and Harvey Milk, and what San Francisco Chronicle columnist Herb Caen described as pandemic police "dislike of homosexuals".[146]
Dan White served a little more than five years for the double murder of Moscone and Milk. On October 21, 1985, a year and a half after his release from prison, White was found dead in a running car in his ex-wife's garage. He was 39 years old. His defense attorney told reporters that he had been despondent over the loss of his family, and the situation he had caused, adding "This was a sick man."[147]
Legacy
Politics
Harvey Milk's political career centered on making government responsive to individuals, gay liberation, and the importance of neighborhoods to the city. At the onset of each campaign, an issue was added to Milk's public political philosophy.[148] His 1973 campaign focused on the first point, that as a small business owner in San Francisco—a city dominated by large corporations that had been courted by municipal government—his interests were being overlooked because he was not represented by a large financial institution. Although he did not hide the fact that he was gay, it did not become an issue until his race for the California State Assembly in 1976. It was brought to the fore in the supervisor race against Rick Stokes, as it was an extension of his ideas of individual freedom.[148]
Milk strongly believed that neighborhoods promoted unity and a small-town experience, and that the Castro should provide services to all its residents. He opposed the closing of an elementary school; even though most gay people in the Castro did not have children, Milk saw his neighborhood having the potential to welcome everyone. He told his aides to concentrate on fixing potholes and boasted that 50 new stop signs had been installed in District 5.[148] Responding to city residents' largest complaint about living in San Francisco—dog feces—Milk made it a priority to enact the ordinance requiring dog owners to take care of their pets' droppings. Randy Shilts noted, "some would claim Harvey was a socialist or various other sorts of ideologues, but, in reality, Harvey's political philosophy was never more complicated than the issue of dogshit; government should solve people's basic problems."[149]
Karen Foss, a communications professor at the University of New Mexico, attributes Milk's impact on San Francisco politics to the fact that he was unlike anyone else who had held public office in the city. She writes, "Milk happened to be a highly energetic, charismatic figure with a love of theatrics and nothing to lose ... Using laughter, reversal, transcendence, and his insider/outsider status, Milk helped create a climate in which dialogue on issues became possible. He also provided a means to integrate the disparate voices of his various constituencies."[150] Milk had been a rousing speaker since he began campaigning in 1973, and his oratory skills only improved after he became City Supervisor.[18] His most famous talking points became known as the "Hope Speech", which became a staple throughout his political career. It opened with a play on the accusation that gay people recruit impressionable youth into their numbers: "My name is Harvey Milk—and I want to recruit you." A version of the Hope Speech that he gave near the end of his life was considered by his friends and aides to be the best, and the closing the most effective:
And the young gay people in the Altoona, Pennsylvanias and the Richmond, Minnesotas who are coming out and hear Anita Bryant in television and her story. The only thing they have to look forward to is hope. And you have to give them hope. Hope for a better world, hope for a better tomorrow, hope for a better place to come to if the pressures at home are too great. Hope that all will be all right. Without hope, not only gays, but the blacks, the seniors, the handicapped, the us'es, the us'es will give up. And if you help elect to the central committee and other offices, more gay people, that gives a green light to all who feel disenfranchised, a green light to move forward. It means hope to a nation that has given up, because if a gay person makes it, the doors are open to everyone.[151]
In the last year of his life, Milk emphasized that gay people should be more visible to help to end the discrimination and violence against them. Although Milk had not come out to his mother before her death many years before, in his final statement during his taped prediction of his assassination, he urged others to do so:
I cannot prevent anyone from getting angry, or mad, or frustrated. I can only hope that they'll turn that anger and frustration and madness into something positive, so that two, three, four, five hundred will step forward, so the gay doctors will come out, the gay lawyers, the gay judges, gay bankers, gay architects ... I hope that every professional gay will say 'enough', come forward and tell everybody, wear a sign, let the world know. Maybe that will help.[84]
However, Milk's assassination has become entwined with his political efficacy, partly because he was killed at the zenith of his popularity. Historian Neil Miller writes, "No contemporary American gay leader has yet to achieve in life the stature Milk found in death."[127] His legacy has become ambiguous; Randy Shilts concludes his biography writing that Milk's success, murder, and the inevitable injustice of White's verdict represented the experience of all gays. Milk's life was "a metaphor for the homosexual experience in America".[152] According to Frances FitzGerald, Milk's legend has been unable to be sustained as no one appeared able to take his place in the years after his death: "The Castro saw him as a martyr but understood his martyrdom as an end rather than a beginning. He had died, and with him a great deal of the Castro's optimism, idealism, and ambition seemed to die as well. The Castro could find no one to take his place in its affections, and possibly wanted no one."[153] On the 20th anniversary of Milk's death, historian John D'Emilio said, "The legacy that I think he would want to be remembered for is the imperative to live one's life at all times with integrity."[154] For a political career so short, Cleve Jones attributes more to his assassination than his life: "His murder and the response to it made permanent and unquestionable the full participation of gay and lesbian people in the political process."[154]
Tributes and media
A color photograph of a large Gay Pride flag flying at the intersection of Market and Castro Streets and the hills of San Francisco in the distance
Gay Pride flag above Harvey Milk Plaza in The Castro neighborhood
The City of San Francisco has paid tribute to Milk by naming several locations after him.[note 11] Where Market and Castro streets intersect in San Francisco flies an enormous Gay Pride flag, situated in Harvey Milk Plaza.[155] The San Francisco Gay Democratic Club changed its name to the Harvey Milk Memorial Gay Democratic Club in 1978 (it is currently named the Harvey Milk Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender Democratic Club) and boasts that it is the largest Democratic organization in San Francisco.[156] In New York City, Harvey Milk High School is a school program for at-risk youth that concentrates on the needs of gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender students and operates out of the Hetrick Martin Institute.[157]
In 1982, freelance reporter Randy Shilts completed his first book: a biography of Milk, titled The Mayor of Castro Street. Shilts wrote the book while unable to find a steady job as an openly gay reporter.[158] The Times of Harvey Milk, a documentary film based on the book's material, won the 1984 Academy Award for Documentary Feature.[159] Director Rob Epstein spoke later about why he chose the subject of Milk's life: "At the time, for those of us who lived in San Francisco, it felt like it was life changing, that all the eyes of the world were upon us, but in fact most of the world outside of San Francisco had no idea. It was just a really brief, provincial, localized current events story that the mayor and a city council member in San Francisco were killed. It didn't have much reverberation."[160]
Milk's life has been the subject of a musical theater production;[161] an opera;[162] a children's picture book;[163] a French-language historical novel for young-adult readers;[164] and the biopic Milk, released in 2008 after 15 years in the making. The film was directed by Gus Van Sant and starred Sean Penn as Milk and Josh Brolin as Dan White, and won two Academy Awards for Best Original Screenplay and Best Actor.[165] It took eight weeks to film, and often used extras who had been present at the actual events for large crowd scenes, including a scene depicting Milk's "Hope Speech" at the 1978 Gay Freedom Day Parade.[166]
Stuart Milk speaks with Barack Obama, holding the case for the Presidential Medal of Freedom in the White House
Stuart Milk accepts the Presidential Medal of Freedom from President Barack Obama in August 2009 on behalf of his uncle
Milk was included in the "Time 100 Heroes and Icons of the 20th Century" as "a symbol of what gays can accomplish and the dangers they face in doing so". Despite his antics and publicity stunts, according to writer John Cloud, "none understood how his public role could affect private lives better than Milk ... [he] knew that the root cause of the gay predicament was invisibility".[167] The Advocate listed Milk third in their "40 Heroes" of the 20th century issue, quoting Dianne Feinstein: "His homosexuality gave him an insight into the scars which all oppressed people wear. He believed that no sacrifice was too great a price to pay for the cause of human rights."[168]
In August 2009, President Barack Obama posthumously awarded Milk the Presidential Medal of Freedom for his contribution to the gay rights movement stating "he fought discrimination with visionary courage and conviction". Milk's nephew Stuart accepted for his uncle.[169] Shortly after, Stuart co-founded the Harvey Milk Foundation with Anne Kronenberg with the support of Desmond Tutu, co-recipient of 2009 Presidential Medal of Freedom and now a member of the Foundation's Advisory Board.[170] Later in the year, California governor Arnold Schwarzenegger designated May 22 as "Harvey Milk Day", and inducted Milk in the California Hall of Fame.[171][172] Since 2003, the story of Harvey Milk has been featured in three exhibitions created by the GLBT Historical Society, a San Francisco–based museum, archives, and research center, to which the estate of Scott Smith donated Milk's personal belongings that were preserved after his death.[173]
Personal belongings of Harvey Milk on display at The GLBT History Museum in San Francisco's Castro District
Harry Britt summarized Milk's impact the evening Milk was shot in 1978: "No matter what the world has taught us about ourselves, we can be beautiful and we can get our thing together ... Harvey was a prophet ... he lived by a vision ... Something very special is going to happen in this city and it will have Harvey Milk's name on it."[174]
See also
Harvey Milk Foundation
List of civil rights leaders
Stuart Milk
Notes
1.Jump up ^ Milk was described as a martyr by news outlets as early as 1979, by biographer Randy Shilts in 1982, and University of San Francisco professor Peter Novak in 2003. (United Press International [October 15, 1979]; printed in the Edmonton Journal, p. B10; Skelton, Nancy; Stein, Mark [October 22, 1985]. S.F. Assassin Dan White Kills Himself, Los Angeles Times, Retrieved on February 3, 2012.; Shilts, p. 348; Nolte, Carl [November 26, 2003]. "City Hall Slayings: 25 Years Later", The San Francisco Chronicle, p. A-1.
2.Jump up ^ Milk said numerous times that he was discharged from the Navy because he was gay, but Randy Shilts was skeptical of this claim, stating: "The Harvey Milk of this era was no political activist, and according to available evidence, he played the more typical balancing act between discretion and his sex drive." (p. 16) Scholar Karen Foss confirms his discharge from the Navy had no connection to his sexuality and states, "While exaggeration is a frequent campaign tactic, in Milk's case such embellishments served to demonstrate his willingness to be part of the political system while also maintain his distance from it." (See citations list for Queer Words, Queer Images, p. 21.)
3.Jump up ^ In addition to his concerns over Rodwell's activism, Milk believed that Rodwell had given him gonorrhea. (Carter, pg. 31–32.)
4.Jump up ^ Gain further alienated the SFPD by attending a raucous party in 1977 called the Hooker's Ball. The party grew out of control and Gain had to call in reinforcements to control the excesses, but a photograph ran in the papers of him holding a champagne bottle while standing beside prostitution rights activist Margo St. James and a drag queen named "Wonder Whore". (Weiss, p. 156–157.)
5.Jump up ^ Sipple's case was eventually rejected in 1984 in a California court of appeals. Sipple, who was wounded in the head in Vietnam, was also diagnosed as having paranoid schizophrenia. He held no ill will toward Milk, however, and remained in contact with him. The incident brought him so much attention that, later in life while drinking, he would regret grabbing Moore's gun. Eventually Sipple regained contact with his mother and brother, but continued to be rejected by his father. He kept the letter written by Gerald Ford, framed, in his apartment, until he died of pneumonia in 1989. ("Sorrow Trailed a Veteran Who Saved a President's Life", The Los Angeles Times, [February 13, 1989], p. 1.)
6.Jump up ^ Milk's relationship with the Temple was similar to other politicians' in Northern California. According to The San Francisco Examiner, Jones and his parishioners were a "potent political force", helping to elect Moscone (who appointed him to the Housing Authority), District Attorney Jose Freitas, and Sheriff Richard Hongisto. (Jacobs, John [November 20, 1978]. "S.F.'s Leaders Recall Jones the Politician", The San Francisco Examiner, p. C.) Although Milk spoke at the Temple ("Another Day of Death", Time, December 11, 1978.) and defended Jones in a letter to President Jimmy Carter in 1978, (Coleman, Loren (2004)., The Copycat Effect, Simon & Schuster, p. 68.), he and his aides deeply distrusted Jones. When Milk learned Jones was backing both him and Art Agnos in 1976, he told friend Michael Wong, "Well fuck him. I'll take his workers, but, that's the game Jim Jones plays." (Shilts, p. 139.)
7.Jump up ^ Bryant agreed to an interview with Playboy magazine, in which she was quoted saying that the civil rights ordinance "would have made it mandatory that flaunting homosexuals be hired in both the public and parochial schools ... If they're a legitimate minority, then so are nail biters, dieters, fat people, short people, and murderers." ("Playboy Interview: Anita Bryant", Playboy, (May 1978), p. 73–96, 232–250.) Bryant would often break into her standard "The Battle Hymn of the Republic" while speaking during the campaign, called homosexuals "human garbage", and blamed the drought in California on their sins. (Clendinen, p. 306.) As the special election drew near, a Florida state senator read the Book of Leviticus aloud to the senate, and the governor went on record against the civil rights ordinance. (Duberman, p. 320.)
8.Jump up ^ Two gay politicians were already in office: lesbian Massachusetts State Representative Elaine Noble and Minnesota State Senator Allan Spear, who had come out after he had been elected and won re-election.
9.Jump up ^ Despite White's financial strain, he had recently voted against a pay raise for city supervisors that would have given him a $24,000 annual salary. (Cone, Russ [November 14, 1978]. "Increase in City Supervisors' Pay Is Proposed Again", The San Francisco Examiner, p. 4.) Feinstein noticed White's financial straits and pointed him toward commercial developers at Pier 39 near Fisherman's Wharf where he and his wife set up a walk-up restaurant called The Hot Potato. (Weiss, p. 143–146.) Gentrification in the Castro District was fully apparent in the late 1970s. In Milk's public rants about "bloodsucking" real estate developers, he used his landlord (who was gay) as an example. Not amused, his landlord tripled the rent for the storefront and the apartment above, where Milk lived. (Shilts, p. 227–228.)
10.Jump up ^ Though Feinstein was known to carry a handgun in her purse, she afterwards became a proponent of gun control. In 1994, Feinstein exchanged words with National Rifle Association member and Idaho senator Larry Craig, who suggested during a debate on banning assault weapons that "the gentlelady from California" should be "a little bit more familiar with firearms and their deadly characteristics." She reminded Craig that she indeed had experience with the results of firearms when she put her finger in a bullet hole in Milk's neck while searching for a pulse. (Faye, Fiore [April 24, 1995]. "Rematch on Weapons Ban Takes Shape in Congress Arms: Feinstein prepares to defend the prohibition on assault guns as GOP musters forces to repeal it", The Los Angeles Times, pg. 3.)
11.Jump up ^ The Harvey Milk Recreational Arts Center is headquarters for the drama and performing arts programs for the city's youth. (Duboce Park and Harvey Milk Recreational Arts Center, San Francisco Neighborhood Parks Council, 2008. Retrieved on September 7, 2008.) Douglass Elementary in the Castro District was renamed the Harvey Milk Civil Rights Academy in 1996 (Harvey Milk Civil Rights Academy: Our History, Harvey Milk Civil Rights Academy website. Retrieved September 8, 2008.) and the Eureka Valley Branch of the San Francisco Public Library was also renamed in his honor in 1981. It is located at 1 José Sarria Court, named for the first openly gay man to run for public office in the United States. (Eureka Valley Branch Closing for Renovation March 1, San Francisco Public Library website [February 8, 2008]. Retrieved September 25, 2008.) On what would have been Milk's 78th birthday, a bust of his likeness was unveiled in San Francisco City Hall at the top of the grand staircase. (Buchanan, Wyatt (May 22, 2008). "S.F. prepares to unveil bust of Harvey Milk", San Francisco Chronicle. Retrieved on September 8, 2008.) On the 82nd anniversary of his birth, a street was renamed to "Harvey Milk Street" in San Diego, and a new park named "Harvey Milk Promenade Park" was opened in Long Beach, California. (Harvey Milk Honored With San Diego Street, Long Beach Park On His 82nd Birthday, The Huffington Post. Published May 22, 2012. Retrieved May 23, 2012.)
Citations
1.Jump up ^ Smith and Haider-Markel, p. 204.
2.Jump up ^ Leyland, p. 37.
3.^ Jump up to: a b c "Harvey Bernard Milk." Dictionary of American Biography, Supplement 10: 1976–1980. Charles Scribner's Sons, 1995.
4.^ Jump up to: a b c d "Harvey Bernard Milk". Encyclopedia of World Biography, 2nd ed. 17 Vols. Gale Research, 1998.
5.Jump up ^ Shilts, p. 4.
6.Jump up ^ Shilts, p. 9.
7.Jump up ^ Shilts, p. 14.
8.Jump up ^ Chan, Sewell (February 20, 2009) "Film Evokes Memories for Milk's Relatives", The New York Times. Retrieved June 22, 2010.
9.Jump up ^ Shilts p. 20.
10.^ Jump up to: a b "Historical Note", The Harvey Milk Papers: Susan Davis Alch Collection (1956–1962) (PDF), San Francisco Public Library. Retrieved on October 8, 2008.
11.Jump up ^ Shilts, p. 24–29.
12.Jump up ^ Shilts, p. 33
13.Jump up ^ Shilts, p. 35–36.
14.Jump up ^ Shilts, p. 36–37.
15.^ Jump up to: a b c d e FitzGerald, Frances (July 21, 1986). "A Reporter at Large: The Castro – I", The New Yorker, p. 34–70.
16.Jump up ^ Weiss, p. 37–38.
17.Jump up ^ Leyland, p. 19.
18.^ Jump up to: a b c D'Emilio, John. "Gay Politics and Community in San Francisco since World War II", in Hidden From History: Reclaiming the Gay and Lesbian Past, New American Library (1989). ISBN 0-453-00689-2
19.Jump up ^ Clendinen, p. 151.
20.Jump up ^ Shilts, p. 38–41.
21.Jump up ^ Barnes, Clive (December 20, 1971). "Theater: The York of 'Inner City'", The New York Times, p. 48.
22.^ Jump up to: a b Gruen, John (January 2, 1972). "Do You Mind Critics Calling You Cheap, Decadent, Sensationalistic, Gimmicky—", The New York Times, p. SM14.
23.^ Jump up to: a b c Shilts, p. 44.
24.^ Jump up to: a b Shilts, p. 65.
25.Jump up ^ Shilts, p. 62.
26.Jump up ^ Clendinen, p. 154.
27.Jump up ^ Clendinen, p. 150–151.
28.Jump up ^ Clendinen, p. 156–159.
29.Jump up ^ Clendinen, p. 161–163.
30.Jump up ^ Shilts, p. 61–65.
31.Jump up ^ Shilts, p. 65–72.
32.Jump up ^ "Milk Entered Politics Because 'I Knew I Had To Become Involved' ", The San Francisco Examiner (November 28, 1978), p. 2.
33.Jump up ^ Shilts, p. 76.
34.Jump up ^ Shilts, p. 73.
35.Jump up ^ Shilts, p. 75.
36.Jump up ^ "S.F. Vote Tally: Supervisors", The San Francisco Chronicle (November 7, 1973), p. 3.
37.Jump up ^ Shilts, p. 78–80.
38.Jump up ^ Roberts, Michael (June 27, 2002). "A Brewing Disagreement", Westword. Retrieved January 18, 2009.
39.Jump up ^ Shilts, p. 83.
40.Jump up ^ "Harvey Bernard Milk". Biography Resource Center Online. Gale Group, 1999. Reproduced in Biography Resource Center, Farmington Hills, Mich.: Gale, 2008. Subscription required.
41.Jump up ^ Shilts, p. 90.
42.Jump up ^ Shilts, p. 80.
43.Jump up ^ Shilts, p. 138.
44.Jump up ^ Shilts, p. 96.
45.Jump up ^ "Joseph Lawrence Alioto." The Scribner Encyclopedia of American Lives, Volume 5: 1997–1999. Charles Scribner's Sons, 2002.
46.Jump up ^ Shilts, p. 107–108.
47.Jump up ^ Weiss, p. 149–157.
48.Jump up ^ Shilts, p. 130–133.
49.Jump up ^ "Milk Will Run—Loses Permit Board Seat", The San Francisco Chronicle, March 10, 1976.
50.^ Jump up to: a b c Shilts, p. 133–137.
51.Jump up ^ Shabecoff, Philip (September 23, 1975). "Ford Escapes Harm as Shot is Deflected; Woman Seized with Gun in San Francisco", The New York Times, p. 77.
52.Jump up ^ Melnick, Norman (September 23, 1975). "I was right behind her ... I saw a gun", The San Francisco Examiner, p. 2.
53.^ Jump up to: a b "The Man Who Grabbed the Gun", Time (October 6, 1975). Retrieved September 6, 2008.
54.Jump up ^ Shilts, p. 122.
55.^ Jump up to: a b c Morain, Dan (February 13, 1989). "Sorrow Trailed a Veteran Who Saved a President and Then Was Cast in an Unwanted Spotlight", The Los Angeles Times, p. 1.
56.Jump up ^ Duke, Lynne (December 31, 2006). "Caught in Fate's Trajectory, Along With Gerald Ford", The Washington Post, p. D01.
57.Jump up ^ Shilts, p. 135–136.
58.Jump up ^ de Jim, p. 43.
59.Jump up ^ de Jim, p. 44.
60.Jump up ^ Shilts, p. 139.
61.Jump up ^ Shilts, p. 149.
62.Jump up ^ Shilts, p. 142–143.
63.Jump up ^ Shilts, p. 150
64.Jump up ^ Fetner, Tina (August 2001). "Working Anita Bryant: The Impact of Christian Anti-Gay Activism on Lesbian and Gay Movement Claims", Social Problems, 48 (3), p. 411–428. ISSN 0037-7791
65.Jump up ^ Clendinen p. 303.
66.Jump up ^ "Miami Anti-gays Win in Landslide", The San Francisco Examiner, (June 8, 1977), p. 1.
67.^ Jump up to: a b Sharpe, Ivan (June 8, 1977). "Angry Gays March Through S.F.", The San Francisco Examiner, p. 1.
68.Jump up ^ Weiss, p. 122.
69.Jump up ^ Shilts, p. 158.
70.^ Jump up to: a b Hinckle, p. 15.
71.Jump up ^ "Police Press Hunt for Slayers of Gay", The San Francisco Examiner, (June 23, 1977), p. 3.
72.Jump up ^ Clendinen, p. 319.
73.Jump up ^ Hinckle, p. 28.
74.Jump up ^ Miller, p. 403.
75.Jump up ^ Shilts, p. 166.
76.^ Jump up to: a b c Gold, Herbert (November 6, 1977), "A Walk on San Francisco's Gay Side", The New York Times, p. SM17.
77.Jump up ^ Shilts, p. 174.
78.Jump up ^ Shilts, p. 173.
79.Jump up ^ Shilts, p. 169–170.
80.Jump up ^ Shilts, p. 182.
81.Jump up ^ Pogash, Carol (November 9, 1977). "The Night Neighborhoods Came to City Hall", The San Francisco Examiner, p. 3.
82.Jump up ^ Shilts, p. 180.
83.Jump up ^ Shilts, pp. 184, 204, 223.
84.^ Jump up to: a b c Giteck, Lenny (November 28, 1978). "Milk Knew He Would Be Assassinated", The San Francisco Examiner, p. 2.
85.Jump up ^ Hinckle, p. 13–14.
86.^ Jump up to: a b Cone, Russ (January 8, 1978). "Feinstein Board President", The San Francisco Examiner, p. 1.
87.Jump up ^ "Homosexual on Board Cites Role as Pioneer", New York Times, (November 10, 1977), p. 24.
88.Jump up ^ Shilts, p. 190.
89.Jump up ^ Ledbetter, Les (January 12, 1978). "San Francisco Legislators Meet in Diversity", The New York Times, p. A14.
90.Jump up ^ Weiss, p. 124.
91.Jump up ^ Shilts, p. 192–193.
92.Jump up ^ Shilts, p. 194.
93.Jump up ^ Hinckle, p. 48.
94.Jump up ^ Ledbetter, Les (March 22, 1978). "Bill on Homosexual Rights Advances in San Francisco", The New York Times, p. A21.
95.Jump up ^ Shilts, p. 199.
96.^ Jump up to: a b c d The Times of Harvey Milk. Dir. Rob Epstein. DVD, Pacific Arts, 1984.
97.Jump up ^ Shilts, p. 203–204.
98.Jump up ^ Shilts, pp. 228, 233–235.
99.Jump up ^ VanDeCarr, Paul (November 23, 2003). "Death of dreams: in November 1978, Harvey Milk's murder and the mass suicides at Jonestown nearly broke San Francisco's spirit.", The Advocate, p. 32.
100.Jump up ^ Clendinen, p. 380–381.
101.Jump up ^ Shilts, p. 230–231.
102.^ Jump up to: a b Jacobs, John (June 26, 1978). "An Ecumenical Alliance on the Serious Side of 'Gay' ", The San Francisco Examiner, p. 3.
103.Jump up ^ Shilts, p. 224.
104.Jump up ^ Shilts, p. 224–225.
105.^ Jump up to: a b Clendinen, p. 388–389.
106.Jump up ^ "Mayor Hunts a Successor for White", The San Francisco Examiner, (November 11, 1978), p. 1.
107.Jump up ^ Cone, Russ (November 16, 1978). "White Changes Mind—Wants Job Back", The San Francisco Examiner, p. 1.
108.^ Jump up to: a b c Ledbetter, Les (November 29, 1978). "2 Deaths Mourned by San Franciscans", The New York Times, p. 1.
109.^ Jump up to: a b c "Another Day of Death", Time, December 11, 1978. Retrieved on September 6, 2008.
110.Jump up ^ Downie Jr., Leonard (November 22, 1978). "Bodies in Guyana Cause Confusion; Confusion Mounts Over Bodies at Guyana Cult Site; Many Missing in Jungle", The Washington Post, p. A1.
111.Jump up ^ Weiss, p. 238–239.
112.Jump up ^ Barbash, Fred (November 25, 1978). "Tragedy Numbs Survivors' Emotions; 370 More Bodies found at Cult Camp in Guyana; A Week of Tragedy in Guyana Dulls Survivors' Emotions", The Washington Post, p. A1.
113.^ Jump up to: a b c Flintwick, James (November 28, 1978). "Aide: White 'A Wild Man'", The San Francisco Examiner, p. 1.
114.Jump up ^ Turner, Wallace (November 28, 1978). "Suspect Sought Job", The New York Times, p. 1.
115.Jump up ^ Ledbetter, Les (December 1, 1978)."Thousands Attend Funeral Mass For Slain San Francisco Mayor; Former Supervisor Charged Looking to the Mayor's Job", The New York Times, p. A20.
116.Jump up ^ Ulman, Richard, and Abse, D. Wilfred (December, 1983). "The Group Psychology of Mass Madness: Jonestown", Political Psychology, 4 (4), p. 637–661.
117.^ Jump up to: a b "Reaction: World Coming Apart", The San Francisco Examiner, (November 28, 1978), p. 2.
118.Jump up ^ "A Mourning City Asks Why", The San Francisco Examiner, (November 28, 1978), p. 20.
119.Jump up ^ "No Bail as D.A. Cites New Law", The San Francisco Examiner (November 28, 1978), p. 1.
120.Jump up ^ Hinckle, p. 14.
121.^ Jump up to: a b Geluardi, John (January 30, 2008). "Dan White's Motive More About Betrayal Than Homophobia", SF Weekly. Retrieved September 11, 2008.
122.Jump up ^ Harvey Milk Memorial Plaque, 575 Castro Street, San Francisco, California. Viewed August 17, 2008.
123.Jump up ^ Carlsen, William (November 29, 1978). "Ex-aide Held in Moscone Killing Ran as a Crusader Against Crime", The New York Times, p. A22.
124.^ Jump up to: a b Hinckle, p. 30.
125.Jump up ^ Hinckle, p. 40.
126.Jump up ^ Shilts, p. 283.
127.^ Jump up to: a b Miller, p. 408.
128.Jump up ^ Hinckle, p. 17.
129.Jump up ^ Hinckle, p. 27.
130.Jump up ^ Weiss, p. 297.
131.Jump up ^ Shilts, p. 308.
132.^ Jump up to: a b Hinckle, p. 49.
133.Jump up ^ Shilts, p. 310.
134.^ Jump up to: a b Mounts, Suzanne (Spring 1999). "Malice Aforethought in California: A History of Legislative Abdication and Judicial Vacillation", University of San Francisco Law Review (33 U.S.F. L. Rev. 313).
135.^ Jump up to: a b Weiss, p. 436.
136.Jump up ^ Shilts, p. 324–325.
137.Jump up ^ Weiss, p. 440.
138.Jump up ^ Weiss, p. 441.
139.Jump up ^ Turner, Wallace (May 22, 1979). "Ex-Official Guilty of Manslaughter In Slayings on Coast; 3,000 Protest; Protesters Beat on Doors Ex-Official Guilty of Manslaughter in Coast Slayings Lifelong San Franciscan", The New York Times, p. A1.
140.Jump up ^ Weiss, p. 443–445.
141.Jump up ^ Weiss, p. 450.
142.Jump up ^ Hinckle, p. 80–81.
143.Jump up ^ Weiss, p. 419–420.
144.Jump up ^ Hubbard, Lee (November 7, 1999). "Real Elections Up Next for S.F.", The San Francisco Chronicle, p. SC1.
145.Jump up ^ California Penal Code Section 25-29, FindLaw (2008). Retrieved on September 9, 2008.
146.Jump up ^ Pogash, Carol (November 23, 2003). "Myth of the 'Twinkie defense'", The San Francisco Chronicle, p. D1.
147.Jump up ^ Lindsey, Robert (October 22, 1985). "Dan White, Killer of San Francisco Mayor, a suicide", The New York Times, p. A18.
148.^ Jump up to: a b c Foss, Karen (1988). "You Have to Give Them Hope", Journal of the West, 27 p. 75–81. ISSN 0022-5169
149.Jump up ^ Shilts, p. 203.
150.Jump up ^ Foss, Karen. "The Logic of Folly in the Political Campaigns of Harvey Milk", in Queer Words, Queer Images, Jeffrey Ringer, ed. (1994), New York University Press. ISBN 0-8147-7441-5.
151.Jump up ^ Shilts, p. 363.
152.Jump up ^ Shilts, p. 348.
153.Jump up ^ FitzGerald, Frances (July 28, 1986). "A Reporter at Large: The Castro—II", The New Yorker, p. 44–63.
154.^ Jump up to: a b Cloud, John (November 10, 1998). "Why Milk is Still Fresh: Twenty Years After his Assassination, Harvey Milk Still Has a Lot to Offer the Gay Life", The Advocate, (772) p. 29.
155.Jump up ^ Levy, Dan (September 6, 2000). "Harvey Milk Plaza Proposals Up for Judging", The San Francisco Chronicle, p. A-16.
156.Jump up ^ The Harvey Milk Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender Democratic Club (August 2008). The Harvey Milk Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender Democratic Club website. Retrieved September 8, 2008. Archived April 20, 2008 at the Wayback Machine
157.Jump up ^ What People are Asking About HMHS Hetrick Martin Institute, 2008. Retrieved on September 7, 2008.
158.Jump up ^ Marcus, p. 228–229.
159.Jump up ^ The 57th Academy Awards (1985) Nominees and Winners, Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences. Retrieved on December 3, 2011
160.Jump up ^ Quartini, Joelle (June 20, 2008). "Harvey Milk Returns", The New York Blade, 12 (25), p. 18.
161.Jump up ^ Winn, Steven (February 27, 1999). "'Milk' Too Wholesome For the Man", The San Francisco Chronicle, p. E1.
162.Jump up ^ Swed, Mark (November 20, 1996). "Opera Review: A Revised 'Harvey Milk,' Finds Heart in San Francisco", The Los Angeles Times, p. F3.
163.Jump up ^ Kirkus Reviews, June 14, 2002
164.Jump up ^ Amor, Safia (2011). Harvey Milk: Non à l'homphobie (Paris: Actes Sud), 95 pages.
165.Jump up ^ 'Slumdog Millionaire' has seven Oscars (February 22, 2009), CNN.com. Retrieved February 22, 2009.
166.Jump up ^ Stein, Ruthe (March 18, 2008). "It's a wrap — 'Milk' filming ends in S.F.", The San Francisco Chronicle, p. E1.
167.Jump up ^ Cloud, John (June 14, 1999). "Harvey Milk", Time. Retrieved on October 8, 2008.
168.Jump up ^ 40 Heroes, The Advocate (September 25, 2007), Issue 993. Retrieved on October 8, 2008.
169.Jump up ^ 2009 Medal of Freedom Ceremony, The White House (August 12, 2009). Retrieved August 12, 2009.
170.Jump up ^ "Harvey Milk Foundation – Advisory Board". Harvey Milk Foundation. Retrieved March 31, 2011.
171.Jump up ^ Smith, Dan (October 12, 2009). Schwarzenegger signs gay rights bills, The Sacramento Bee. Retrieved October 12, 2009.
172.Jump up ^ Luminaries inducted into Calif. Hall of Fame, The San Francisco Chronicle (December 1, 2009). Retrieved on December 1, 2009.
173.Jump up ^ Delgado, Ray (June 6, 2006). Museum opens downtown with look at 'Saint Harvey'; exhibitions explore history of slain supervisor, rainbow flag, San Francisco Chronicle. Retrieved on July 9. 2011.
174.Jump up ^ Shilts, p. 281.
Bibliography
Carter, David (2004). Stonewall: The Riots that Sparked the Gay Revolution, St. Martin's Press. ISBN 0-312-34269-1
Clendinen, Dudley, and Nagourney, Adam (1999). Out for Good: The Struggle to Build a Gay Rights Movement in America, Simon & Schuster. ISBN 0-684-81091-3
de Jim, Strange (2003). San Francisco's Castro, Arcadia Publishing. ISBN 978-0-7385-2866-3
Duberman, Martin (1999). Left Out: the Politics of Exclusion: Essays, 1964–1999, Basic Books. ISBN 0-465-01744-4
Hinckle, Warren (1985). Gayslayer! The Story of How Dan White Killed Harvey Milk and George Moscone & Got Away With Murder, Silver Dollar Books. ISBN 0-933839-01-4
Leyland, Winston, ed (2002). Out In the Castro: Desire, Promise, Activism, Leyland Publications. ISBN 0-943295-87-8
Marcus, Eric (2002). Making Gay History, HarperCollins Publishers. ISBN 0-06-093391-7
Miller, Neil (1994) Out of the Past: Gay and Lesbian History from 1869 to the Present, Vintage Books. ISBN 0-679-74988-8
Shilts, Randy (1982). The Mayor of Castro Street: The Life and Times of Harvey Milk, St. Martin's Press. ISBN 0-312-52330-0
Smith, Raymond, Haider-Markel, Donald, eds., (2002). Gay and Lesbian Americans and Political Participation, ABC-CLIO. ISBN 1-57607-256-8
Weiss, Mike (2010). Double Play: The Hidden Passions Behind the Double Assassination of George Moscone and Harvey Milk, Vince Emery Productions. ISBN 978-0-9825650-5-6
Further reading
Jones, Cleve, with Dawson, Jeff (2000). Stitching a Revolution: The Making of an Activist. ISBN 0-06-251642-6
Milk, Harvey (2012). The Harvey Milk Interviews: In His Own Words. Vince Emery Productions. ISBN 978-0-9725898-8-8.
Milk, Harvey (2013). An Archive of Hope: Harvey Milk's Speeches and Writings. University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-27548-5.
Meason, Christopher, ed (2009). Milk: A Pictorial History of Harvey Milk, NewMarket Press. ISBN 978-1-55704-829-5
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Pelosi: In Recognition of the 25th Anniversary of the assassinations of Mayor George Moscone and Supervisor Harvey Milk
Harvey Milk Foundation
Official Harvey Milk Day Website
The James C. Hormel Gay & Lesbian Center at the San Francisco Public Library holds the Harvey Milk Archives—Scott Smith Collection.
Harvey Milk photo history by Strange de Jim, with photos by Daniel Nicoletta
Harvey Milk, Second Sight: Personal Photographs
Significant collection of photographs and Milk history
Harvey Milk City Hall Memorial Organization dedicated to placing a bust of Harvey Milk in San Francisco's City Hall.
Harvey Milk Opera
Milk and The Times of Harvey Milk at the Internet Movie Database
The Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, Transgender Historical Society Holds artifacts of Milk, including the suit he was wearing when shot by Dan White
Harvey Milk Center for the Arts
Harvey Milk Civil Rights Academy elementary school in SF
Harvey Milk High School NYC
Harvey Milk: What His Presidential Medal of Freedom Means to All Americans by Chuck Wolfe
The Unknown Adventures of Harvey Milk in Dallas by Vince Emery
Political offices
Preceded by
District Created Member of the San Francisco Board of Supervisors
District 5
January 8, 1978 – November 27, 1978 Succeeded by
Harry Britt
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